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Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel

2007 Schools Wikipedia Selection. Related subjects: Historical figures

          Vallabhbhai Jhaverbhai Patel
   31 October 1875 — 15 December 1950
   Vallabhbhai Patel in Bardoli, 1928
   Place of birth: Nadiad, Gujarat, India
   Place of death: Mumbai, Maharashtra, India
      Movement:    Indian independence movement

   Vallabhbhāī Paṭel ( Gujarati: સરદાર વલ્લભભાઈ પટેલ, Hindi: सरदार
   वल्लभभाई पटेल; IPA: [sɐrd̪a:r ʋɐllɐbʰbʰa:i pɐʈe:l] ) ( 31 October 1875
   – 15 December 1950) was a political and social leader of India who
   played a major role in the country's struggle for independence and
   guided its integration into a united, independent nation. In India and
   across the world, he was often addressed as Sardār, which means Chief
   in many languages of India.

   Raised in the countryside of Gujarat and largely self-educated,
   Vallabhbhai Patel was employed in successful practice as a Gujarati
   lawyer when he was first inspired by the work and philosophy of Mahatma
   Gandhi. Patel subsequently organised the peasants of Kheda, Borsad, and
   Bardoli in Gujarat in non-violent civil disobedience against oppressive
   policies imposed by the British Raj; in this role, he became one of the
   most influential leaders in Gujarat. He rose to the leadership of the
   Indian National Congress and was at the forefront of rebellions and
   political events, organising the party for elections in 1934 and 1937,
   and promoting the Quit India movement.

   As the first Home Minister and Deputy Prime Minister of India, Patel
   organised relief for refugees in Punjab and Delhi, and led efforts to
   restore peace across the nation. Patel took charge of the task to forge
   a united India from the 565 semi-autonomous princely states and
   British-era colonial provinces. Using frank diplomacy backed with the
   option (and the use) of military action, Patel's leadership enabled the
   accession of almost every princely state. Hailed as the Iron Man of
   India, he is also remembered as the "patron saint" of India's civil
   servants for establishing modern all-India services. Patel was also one
   of the earliest proponents of property rights and free enterprise in
   India.

Early life

   Young Vallabhbhai, when a student.
   Enlarge
   Young Vallabhbhai, when a student.

   Vallabhbhai Jhaverbhai Patel was born at his maternal uncle's house in
   Nadiad, Gujarat. His actual date of birth was never officially recorded
   — Patel entered 31 October as his date of birth on his matriculation
   examination papers. He was the fourth son of Jhaverbhai and his wife
   Ladba Patel. They lived in the village of Karamsad, in the Kheda
   district where Jhaverbhai owned a homestead. Somabhai, Narsibhai and
   Vithalbhai Patel (also a future political leader) were his elder
   brothers. He had a younger brother, Kashibhai and a sister, Dahiba. As
   a young boy, Patel helped his father in the fields and bimonthly kept a
   day-long fast, abstaining from food and water — a cultural observance
   that enabled him to develop physical toughness. When he was seventeen
   years old, Patel's marriage was arranged with Jhaverba, a young girl of
   twelve or thirteen years from a nearby village. As per custom, the
   young bride would continue to reside with her parents until her husband
   started earning and could establish their household.

   Patel travelled to attend schools in Nadiad, Petlad and Borsad, living
   self-sufficiently with other boys. He reputedly cultivated a stoic
   character — a popular anecdote recounts how he lanced his own painful
   boil without hesitation, even as the barber supposed to do it trembled.
   Patel passed his matriculation at the late age of 22; at this point, he
   was generally regarded by his elders as an unambitious man destined for
   a commonplace job. But Patel himself harboured a plan — he would study
   to become a lawyer, work and save funds, travel to England and study to
   become a barrister. Patel spent years away from his family, studying on
   his own with books borrowed from other lawyers and passed examinations
   within two years. Fetching Jhaverba from her parents' home, Patel set
   up his household in Godhra and enrolled at the bar. During the many
   years it took him to save money, Vallabhbhai — now a pleader — earned a
   reputation as a fierce and skilled lawyer. His wife bore him a
   daughter, Manibehn, in 1904 and later a son, Dahyabhai, in 1906. Patel
   also cared for a friend suffering from Bubonic plague when it swept
   across Gujarat. When Patel himself came down with the disease, he
   immediately sent his family to safety, left his home and moved into an
   isolated house in Nadiad (by other accounts, Patel spent this time in a
   dilapidated temple); there, he recovered slowly.
   Vallabhbhai Patel, when a young lawyer.
   Enlarge
   Vallabhbhai Patel, when a young lawyer.

   Patel practised law in Godhra, Borsad and Anand while taking on the
   financial burdens of his homestead in Karamsad. When he had saved
   enough for England and applied for a pass and a ticket, they arrived in
   the name of "V. J. Patel," at Vithalbhai's home, who bore the same
   initials. Having harboured his own plans to study in England,
   Vithalbhai remonstrated to his younger brother that it would be
   disreputable for an older brother to follow his younger brother. In
   keeping with concerns for his family's honour, Patel allowed Vithalbhai
   to go in his place. He also financed his brother's stay and began
   saving again for his own goals.

   In 1909, Patel's wife Jhaverba was hospitalised in Mumbai (then Bombay)
   to undergo a major surgical operation for cancer. Her health suddenly
   worsened and despite successful emergency surgery, she died in the
   hospital. Patel was given a note informing him of his wife's demise as
   he was cross-examining a witness in court. As per others who witnessed,
   Patel read the note, pocketed it and continued to intensely
   cross-examine the witness and won the case. He broke the news to others
   only after the proceedings had ended. Patel himself decided against
   marrying again. He raised his children with the help of his family and
   sent them to English-medium schools in Mumbai. At the age of 36, he
   journeyed to England and enrolled at the Middle Temple Inn in London.
   Finishing a 36-month course in 30 months, Patel topped his class
   despite having no previous college background. Returning to India,
   Patel settled in the city of Ahmedabad and became one of the city's
   most successful barristers. Wearing European-style clothes and urbane
   mannerisms, he also became a skilled bridge player. Patel nurtured
   ambitions to expand his practise and accumulate great wealth and to
   provide his children with modern education. He had also made a pact
   with his brother Vithalbhai to support his entry into politics in the
   Bombay Presidency, while Patel himself would remain in Ahmedabad and
   provide for the family.

Fighting for independence

   Vallabhbhai Patel at the height of his success as a lawyer
   Enlarge
   Vallabhbhai Patel at the height of his success as a lawyer

   At the urging of his friends, Patel won an election to become the
   sanitation commissioner of Ahmedabad in 1917. While often clashing with
   British officials on civic issues, he did not show any interest in
   politics. Upon hearing of Mohandas Gandhi, he joked to Mavlankar that
   Gandhi would "ask you if you know how to sift pebbles from wheat. And
   that is supposed to bring independence." But Patel was deeply impressed
   when Gandhi defied the British in Champaran for the sake of the area's
   oppressed farmers. Against the grain of Indian politicians of the time,
   Gandhi wore Indian-style clothes and emphasised the use of one's mother
   tongue or any Indian language as opposed to English — the lingua franca
   of India's intellectuals. Patel was particularly attracted to Gandhi's
   inclination to action — apart from a resolution condemning the arrest
   of political leader Annie Besant, Gandhi proposed that volunteers march
   peacefully demanding to meet her.

   Patel gave a speech in Borsad in September 1917, encouraging Indians
   nationwide to sign Gandhi's petition demanding Swaraj — independence —
   from the British. Meeting Gandhi a month later at the Gujarat Political
   Conference in Godhra, Patel became the secretary of the Gujarat Sabha —
   a public body which would become the Gujarati arm of the Indian
   National Congress — at Gandhi's encouragement. Patel now energetically
   fought against veth — the forced servitude of Indians to Europeans —
   and organised relief efforts in wake of plague and famine in Kheda. The
   Kheda peasants' plea for exemption from taxation had been turned down
   by British authorities. Gandhi endorsed waging a struggle there, but
   could not lead it himself due to his activities in Champaran. When
   Gandhi asked for a Gujarati activist to devote himself completely to
   the assignment and Patel volunteered, much to Gandhi's personal
   delight. Though his decision was made on the spot, Patel later said
   that his desire and commitment came after intensive personal
   contemplation, as he realised he would have to abandon his career and
   material ambitions.

Satyagraha in Gujarat

   Vallabhbhai Patel, after his embrace of Gandhi's philosophy and a
   completely Indian way of life
   Enlarge
   Vallabhbhai Patel, after his embrace of Gandhi's philosophy and a
   completely Indian way of life

   Supported by Congress volunteers Narhari Parikh, Mohanlal Pandya and
   Abbas Tyabji, Vallabhbhai Patel began a village-to-village tour in the
   Kheda district, documenting grievances and asking villagers for their
   support for a statewide revolt by refusing the payment of taxes. Patel
   emphasised potential hardships with the need for complete unity and
   non-violence despite any provocation. He received enthusiastic
   responses from virtually every village. When the revolt was launched
   and revenue refused, the government sent police and intimidation squads
   to seize property, including confiscating barn animals and whole farms.
   Patel organised a network of volunteers to work with individual
   villages — helping them hide valuables and protect themselves during
   raids. Thousands of activists and farmers were arrested, but Patel was
   not. The revolt began evoking sympathy and admiration across India,
   including with pro-British Indian politicians. The government agreed to
   negotiate with Patel and decided to suspend the payment of revenue for
   the year, even scaling back the rate. Patel emerged as a hero to
   Gujaratis and admired across India. In 1920, he was elected president
   of the newly formed Gujarat Pradesh Congress Committee — he would serve
   as its president till 1945.

   Patel supported Gandhi's Non-cooperation movement and toured the state
   to recruit more than 300,000 members and raise over Rs. 1.5 million in
   funds. Helping organise bonfires of British goods in Ahmedabad, Patel
   threw in all his English-style clothes. With his daughter Mani and son
   Dahya, he switched completely to wearing khadi. Patel also supported
   Gandhi's controversial suspension of resistance in wake of the Chauri
   Chaura incident. He worked extensively in the following years in
   Gujarat against alcoholism, untouchability and caste discrimination, as
   well as for the empowerment of women. In the Congress, he was a
   resolute supporter of Gandhi against his Swarajist critics. Patel was
   elected Ahmedabad's municipal president in 1922, 1924 and 1927 — during
   his terms, Ahmedabad was extended a major supply of electricity and the
   school system underwent major reforms. Drainage and sanitation systems
   were extended over all the city. He fought for the recognition and
   payment of teachers employed in schools established by nationalists
   (out of British control) and even took on sensitive Hindu- Muslim.
   Patel personally led relief efforts in the aftermath of the intense
   torrential rainfall in 1927, which had caused major floods in the city
   and in the Kheda district and great destruction of life and property.
   Patel established refuge centres across the district, raised
   volunteers, arranged for supply of food, medicines and clothing, as
   well as emergency funds from the government and public.

   When Gandhi was in prison, Patel was asked by Congressmen to lead the
   satyagraha in Nagpur in 1923 against a law banning the raising of the
   Indian flag. He organised thousands of volunteers from all over the
   country in processions hoisting the flag. Patel negotiated a settlement
   that obtained the release of all prisoners and allowed nationalists to
   hoist the flag in public. Later that year, Patel and his allies
   uncovered evidence suggesting that the police were in league with local
   dacoits in the Borsad taluka even as the government prepared to levy a
   major tax for fighting dacoits in the area. More than 6,000 villagers
   assembled to hear Patel speak and supported the proposed agitation
   against the tax, which was deemed immoral and unnecessary. Patel
   organised hundreds of Congressmen, sent instructions and received
   information from across the district. Every village in the taluka
   resisted payment of the tax, and through cohesion, also prevented the
   seizure of property and lands. After a protracted struggle, the
   government withdrew the tax. Historians believe that one of Patel's key
   achievements was the building of cohesion and trust amongst the
   different castes and communities, which were divided on socio-economic
   lines.
   Patel with Bardoli peasants.
   Enlarge
   Patel with Bardoli peasants.

   In April 1928, Patel returned to the freedom struggle from his
   municipal duties in Ahmedabad when Bardoli suffered from a serious
   predicament of a famine and steep tax hike. The revenue hike was
   steeper than it had been in Kheda even though the famine covered a
   large portion of Gujarat. After cross-examining and talking to village
   representatives, emphasizing the potential hardship and need for
   non-violence and cohesion, Patel initiated the struggle — complete
   denial of taxes. Patel organised volunteers, camps and an information
   network across affected areas. The revenue refusal was stronger than in
   Kheda and many sympathy satyagrahas were undertaken across Gujarat.
   Despite arrests, seizures of property and lands, the struggle
   intensified. The situation reached a head in August, when through
   sympathetic intermediaries, Patel negotiated a settlement repealing the
   tax hike, reinstating village officials who had resigned in protest and
   the return of seized property and lands. It was during the struggle and
   after the victory in Bardoli that Patel was increasingly addressed by
   his colleagues and followers as Sardar.

Leading the Congress

   As Gandhi embarked on the Dandi Salt March, Patel was arrested in the
   village of Ras and tried without witnesses, with no lawyer or pressman
   allowed to attend. Patel's arrest and Gandhi's subsequent arrest caused
   the Salt Satyagraha to greatly intensify in Gujarat — districts across
   Gujarat launched an anti-tax rebellion until and unless Patel and
   Gandhi were released. Once released, Patel served as interim Congress
   president, but was re-arrested while leading a procession in Mumbai.
   After the signing of the Gandhi-Irwin Pact, Patel was elected Congress
   president for its 1931 session in Karachi — here the Congress ratified
   the pact, committed itself to the defence of fundamental rights and
   human freedoms, and a vision of a secular nation, minimum wage and the
   abolition of untouchability and serfdom. Patel used his position as
   Congress president in organising the return of confiscated lands to
   farmers in Gujarat. Upon the failure of the Round Table Conference in
   London, Gandhi and Patel were arrested in January 1932 when the
   struggle re-opened, and imprisoned in the Yeravda Central Jail. During
   this term of imprisonment, Patel and Gandhi grew close to one another,
   and the two developed a close bond of affection, trust, and frankness
   without reserve. Historians have described this relationship as that of
   an elder brother — Gandhi — and his younger brother — Patel. Despite
   having arguments with him, Patel respected Gandhi's instincts and
   leadership. The two leaders would discuss national and social issues,
   read Hindu epics and crack jokes. Gandhi taught Patel the Sanskrit
   language, while his secretary Mahadev Desai kept detailed records of
   their conversations. When Gandhi embarked on a fast-unto-death
   protesting the separate electorates granted to untouchables, Patel
   looked after Gandhi closely and himself refrained from partaking of
   food. Patel was later moved to a jail in Nasik, and refused a British
   offer for a brief release to attend the cremation of his brother
   Vithalbhai, who had died in 1934. He was finally released in July of
   the same year.
   Patel, Maulana Azad, Jivatram Kripalani and other Congressmen at Wardha
   Enlarge
   Patel, Maulana Azad, Jivatram Kripalani and other Congressmen at Wardha

   Patel headed Congress's all-India election campaign in 1934 and 1937 —
   he would collect funds, select candidates, determine the Congress
   stance on issues and opponents. Not contesting a seat for himself,
   Patel nevertheless guided Congressmen elected in the provinces and at
   the national level. In 1935, Patel underwent a piles operation, but
   also guided efforts against plague in Bardoli and again when a drought
   struck Gujarat in 1939. Patel would guide the Congress ministries that
   had won power across India with the aim of preserving party discipline
   — Patel feared that the British would use opportunities to create
   conflicts between elected Congressmen, and he did not want the party to
   be distracted from the goal of complete independence. But Patel would
   clash with Nehru, opposing declarations of the adoption of socialism at
   the 1936 Congress session, which he believed was a diversion from the
   main goal of achieving independence. In 1938, Patel organised rank and
   file opposition to the attempts of then-Congress president Subhash Bose
   to move away from Gandhi's principles of non-violent resistance. Patel
   considered Bose to be un-democratic and desirous of more power over the
   party. He led senior Congress leaders in a protest, which resulted in
   Bose's resignation. But criticism arose from Bose's supporters,
   socialists and other Congressmen that Patel himself was acting in an
   authoritarian manner in his defence of Gandhi's authority.

Quit India

   When World War II broke out, Patel supported Nehru's decision to
   withdraw the Congress from central and provincial legislatures,
   contrary to Gandhi's advice, as well as an initiative by senior leader
   Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari to offer Congress's full support to
   Britain if it promised Indian independence at the end of the war and
   install a democratic government right away. Gandhi had refused to
   support this owing to his moral opposition to war, and Subhash Bose was
   in militant opposition to the British. And when the British rejected
   Rajagopalachari's initiative, Patel was relieved and happy to return
   and embrace Gandhi's leadership again. He participated in Gandhi's call
   for individual disobedience, and was arrested in 1940 and imprisoned
   for nine months. He also opposed the proposals of the Cripps' mission
   in 1942. Patel had lost more than twenty pounds during his period in
   jail, and had been suspected of suffering from colon cancer, which was
   found to be incorrect.

   While Nehru, Rajagopalachari and Maulana Azad initially criticised
   Gandhi's proposal for an all-out campaign of civil disobedience to
   force the British to Quit India, Patel was its most fervent supporter.
   Arguing that the British would retreat from India as they had from
   Singapore and Burma, Patel stressed that the campaign start without any
   delay. Though feeling that the British would not quit immediately,
   Patel favoured an all-out rebellion that would galvanise the Indian
   people, who had been divided in its response to the war, and force the
   British to concede that continuation of colonial rule had no support in
   India, thus speeding the transfer of power to Indian hands. Believing
   strongly in the need for revolt, Patel stated his intention to resign
   from the Congress if it was not approved, and Gandhi strongly pressured
   the All India Congress Committee, which approved the campaign on 7
   August 1942 in Mumbai. Through July 1942, Patel gave emotional speeches
   to large crowds across India, even though his health had suffered
   during his stint in jail and some believed he was dying. Patel
   organised the Congress and the Indian people in different parts of the
   nation in the refusing taxes, civil disobedience, mass protests and a
   shutdown of all civil services, emphasizing the "all-out" nature of the
   revolt. Meeting Congress leaders from across the country, he raised
   funds and prepared a second-tier of command as a precaution against the
   arrest of national leaders. Patel made a climactic speech to more than
   100,000 people gathered at Gowalia Tank in Mumbai on August 7:
   Azad, Patel and Gandhi at an AICC meeting in Bombay, 1940.
   Enlarge
   Azad, Patel and Gandhi at an AICC meeting in Bombay, 1940.

     "The Governor of Burma boasts in London that they left Burma only
     after reducing everything to dust. So you promise the same thing to
     India?... You refer in your radio broadcasts and newspapers to the
     government established in Burma by Japan as a puppet government?
     What sort of government do you have in Delhi now?...When France fell
     before the Nazi onslaught, in the midst of total war, Mr. Churchill
     offered union with England to the French. That was indeed a stroke
     of inspired statesmanship. But when it comes to India? Oh no!
     Constitutional changes in the midst of a war? Absolutely
     unthinkable...The object this time is to free India before the
     Japanese can come and be ready to fight them if they come. They will
     round up the leaders, round up all. Then it will be the duty of
     every Indian to put forth his utmost effort — within non-violence.
     No source is to be left untapped; no weapon untried. This is going
     to be the opportunity of a lifetime."

   Historians believe that Patel's speech was instrumental in electrifying
   nationalists, who had been skeptical of the proposed rebellion. Patel's
   organising work in this period is credited by historians for ensuring
   the success of the rebellion across India. Patel was arrested on 9
   August and was imprisoned with the entire Congress Working Committee
   from 1942 to 1945 at the fort in Ahmednagar. Here he spun cloth, played
   bridge, read a large number of books, took long walks, practised
   gardening. He also provided emotional support to his colleagues while
   awaiting news and developments of the outside. Patel was deeply pained
   at the news of the deaths of Mahadev Desai and Kasturba Gandhi later in
   the year. But Patel wrote in a letter to his daughter that he and his
   colleagues were experiencing "fullest peace" for having done "their
   duty." Even though other political parties had opposed the struggle and
   the British had employed ruthless means of suppression, the Quit India
   movement was "by far the most serious rebellion since that of 1857," as
   the viceroy cabled to Winston Churchill. More than one hundred thousand
   people were arrested and thousands killed in police firings. Strikes,
   protests and other revolutionary activities had broken out across
   India. When Patel was released on 15 June 1945 he realised that the
   British were preparing proposals to transfer power to Indian hands.

Independence and integration

   Patel stepped down in favour of Nehru from the 1946 election for the
   Congress presidency, upon the request of Gandhi — Gandhi had declared
   Nehru to his "successor" in 1942. Patel had the support of 11 out of 15
   Congress PCCs, while Nehru had none. The election's importance is in
   the fact that the elected man would lead free India's first Government.
   Gandhi is criticised for not backing Patel, but Patel respected
   Gandhi's judgment, and knew that he did not have Nehru's assets: health
   and youth, mass popularity and a likeable image with the country's
   Muslims and youth. Some historians argue that Gandhi asked Patel to
   step down as Gandhi knew that Nehru would be unlikely to accept second
   place, and feared a split in the Congress. However, Gandhi's real
   desire was that Patel and Nehru head the government together, with the
   distinction being only titular. After the election, Patel began
   directing the Congress campaign for the general elections to be held to
   elect the Constituent Assembly of India.
   Gandhi (right), Patel (left), and Nehru (back)
   Enlarge
   Gandhi (right), Patel (left), and Nehru (back)

   In the elections, the Congress won a large majority of the elected
   seats, dominating the Hindu electorate. But the Muslim League led by
   Muhammad Ali Jinnah won a large majority of Muslim electorate seats.
   The League had resolved in 1940 to demand Pakistan — an independent
   state for Muslims — and was a fierce critic of the Congress. The
   Congress formed governments in all provinces save Sindh, Punjab and
   Bengal, where it entered into coalitions with other parties.

Cabinet mission and partition

   When the British mission proposed two plans for transfer of power,
   there was considerable opposition within the Congress to both. The plan
   of 16 May 1946 proposed a loose federation with extensive provincial
   autonomy, and the "grouping" of provinces based on religious-majority.
   The plan of 16 June 1946 proposed the partition of India on religious
   lines, with over 600 princely states free to choose between
   independence or accession to either dominion. The League approved both
   plans, while the Congress flatly rejected the June 16 proposal. Gandhi
   criticised the May 16 proposal as being inherently divisive, but Patel,
   realizing that rejecting the proposal would mean that only the League
   would be invited to form a government, lobbied the Congress Working
   Committee hard to give its assent to the 16 May proposal. Patel engaged
   the British envoys Sir Stafford Cripps and Lord Pethick-Lawrence and
   obtained an assurance that the "grouping" clause would not be given
   practical force, Patel converted Nehru, Rajendra Prasad and
   Rajagopalachari to accept the plan. When the League retracted its
   approval of the 16 May plan, the viceroy Lord Wavell invited the
   Congress to form the government. Under Nehru, who was styled the "Vice
   President of the Viceroy's Executive Council," Patel took charge of the
   departments of home affairs and information and broadcasting. He moved
   into a government house on 1, Aurangzeb Road in Delhi — this would be
   his residence till his death in 1950.

   Vallabhbhai Patel was one of the first Congress leaders to accept the
   partition of India as a solution to the rising Muslim separatist
   movement led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah. He had been outraged by Jinnah's
   Direct Action campaign, which had provoked communal violence across
   India, and by the viceroy's vetoes of his home department's plans to
   stop the violence on the grounds of constitutionality. Patel severely
   criticised the viceroy's induction of League ministers into the
   government, and the revalidation of the grouping scheme by the British
   without Congress approval. Although further outraged at the League's
   boycott of the assembly and non-acceptance of the plan of 16 May
   despite entering government, he was also aware that Jinnah did enjoy
   popular support amongst Muslims, and that an open conflict between him
   and the nationalists could degenerate into a Hindu-Muslim civil war of
   disastrous consequences. And the continuation of a divided and weak
   central government would in Patel's mind, result in the wider
   fragmentation of India by encouraging more than 600 princely states
   towards independence. Between the months of December 1946 and January
   1947, Patel worked with civil servant V. P. Menon on the latter's
   suggestion for a separate dominion of Pakistan created out of
   Muslim-majority provinces. Communal violence in Bengal and Punjab in
   January and March of 1947 further convinced Patel of the soundness of
   partition. Patel, a fierce critic of Jinnah's demand that the
   Hindu-majority areas of Punjab and Bengal be included in a Muslim
   state, obtained the partition of those provinces, thus blocking any
   possibility of their inclusion in Pakistan. Patel's decisiveness on the
   partition of Punjab and Bengal had won him many supporters and admirers
   amongst the Indian public, which had tired of the League's tactics, but
   he was criticised by Gandhi, Nehru, secular Muslims and socialists for
   a perceived eagerness to do so. When Lord Louis Mountbatten formally
   proposed the plan on 3 June 1947, Patel gave his approval and lobbied
   Nehru and other Congress leaders to accept the proposal. Knowing
   Gandhi's deep anguish regarding proposals of partition, Patel engaged
   him in frank discussion in private meetings over the perceived
   practical unworkability of any Congress-League coalition, the rising
   violence and the threat of civil war. At the All India Congress
   Committee meeting called to vote on the proposal, Patel said:


   Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel

   I fully appreciate the fears of our brothers from [the Muslim-majority
    areas]. Nobody likes the division of India and my heart is heavy. But
     the choice is between one division and many divisions. We must face
      facts. We cannot give way to emotionalism and sentimentality. The
     Working Committee has not acted out of fear. But I am afraid of one
     thing, that all our toil and hard work of these many years might go
     waste or prove unfruitful. My nine months in office has completely
    disillusioned me regarding the supposed merits of the Cabinet Mission
   Plan. Except for a few honourable exceptions, Muslim officials from the
     top down to the chaprasis ( peons or servants) are working for the
   League. The communal veto given to the League in the Mission Plan would
     have blocked India's progress at every stage. Whether we like it or
    not, de facto Pakistan already exists in the Punjab and Bengal. Under
   the circumstances I would prefer a de jure Pakistan, which may make the
   League more responsible. Freedom is coming. We have 75 to 80 percent of
     India, which we can make strong with our own genius. The League can
                      develop the rest of the country.


   Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel

   Following Gandhi's and Congress' approval of the plan, Patel
   represented India on the Partition Council, where he oversaw the
   division of public assets, and selected the Indian council of ministers
   with Nehru. However, neither he nor any other Indian leader had
   foreseen the intense violence and population transfer that would take
   place with partition. Patel would take the lead in organising relief
   and emergency supplies, establishing refugee camps and visiting the
   border areas with Pakistani leaders to encourage peace. Despite these
   efforts, estimates on the death toll vary from around two hundred
   thousand, to over a million people. The estimated number of refugees in
   both countries exceeds 15 million. Understanding that Delhi and Punjab
   policemen, accused of organising attacks on Muslims, were personally
   affected by the tragedies of partition, Patel called out the Indian
   Army with South Indian regiments to restore order, imposing strict
   curfews and shoot-at-sight orders. Visiting the Nizamuddin Auliya
   Dargah area in Delhi, where thousands of Delhi Muslims feared attacks,
   he prayed at the shrine, visited the people and reinforced the presence
   of police. He suppressed from the press reports of atrocities in
   Pakistan against Hindus and Sikhs to prevent retaliatory violence.
   Establishing the Delhi Emergency Committee to restore order and
   organising relief efforts for refugees in the capital, Patel publicly
   warned officials against partiality and neglect. When reports reached
   Patel that large groups of Sikhs were preparing to attack Muslim
   convoys heading for Pakistan, Patel hurried to Amritsar and met Sikh
   and Hindu leaders. Arguing that attacking helpless people was cowardly
   and dishonourable, Patel emphasised that Sikh actions would result in
   further attacks against Hindus and Sikhs in Pakistan. He assured the
   community leaders that if they worked to establish peace and order and
   guarantee the safety of Muslims, the Indian government would react
   forcefully to any failures of Pakistan to do the same. Additionally,
   Patel addressed a massive crowd of an estimated 200,000 refugees who
   had surrounded his car after the meetings:


   Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel

   Here, in this same city, the blood of Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims mingled
   in the bloodbath of Jallianwala Bagh. I am grieved to think that things
   have come to such a pass that no Muslim can go about in Amritsar and no
      Hindu or Sikh can even think of living in Lahore. The butchery of
   innocent and defenceless men, women and children does not behove brave
   men... I am quite certain that India's interest lies in getting all her
    men and women across the border and sending out all Muslims from East
   Punjab. I have come to you with a specific appeal. Pledge the safety of
     Muslim refugees crossing the city. Any obstacles or hindrances will
      only worsen the plight of our refugees who are already performing
      prodigious feats of endurance. If we have to fight, we must fight
    clean. Such a fight must await an appropriate time and conditions and
     you must be watchful in choosing your ground. To fight against the
        refugees is no fight at all. No laws of humanity or war among
   honourable men permit the murder of people who have sought shelter and
   protection. Let there be truce for three months in which both sides can
    exchange their refugees. This sort of truce is permitted even by laws
    of war. Let us take the initiative in breaking this vicious circle of
    attacks and counter-attacks. Hold your hands for a week and see what
    happens. Make way for the refugees with your own force of volunteers
          and let them deliver the refugees safely at our frontier.


   Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel

   Following his dialogue with community leaders and his speech, no
   further attacks occurred against Muslim refugees, and a wider peace and
   order was re-established soon over the entire area. However, Patel was
   criticised by Nehru, secular Muslims and taxed by Gandhi over his
   alleged wish to see Muslims from other parts of India depart. While
   Patel vehemently denied such allegations, the acrimony with Maulana
   Azad and other secular Muslim leaders increased when Patel refused to
   dismiss Delhi's Sikh police commissioner, who was accused of
   discrimination. Hindu and Sikh leaders also accused Patel and other
   leaders of not taking Pakistan sufficiently to task over the attacks on
   their communities there, and Muslim leaders further criticised him for
   allegedly neglecting the needs of Muslims leaving for Pakistan, and
   concentrating resources for incoming Hindu and Sikh refugees. Patel
   clashed with Nehru and Azad over the allocation of houses in Delhi
   vacated by Muslims leaving for Pakistan — Nehru and Azad desired to
   allocate them for displaced Muslims, while Patel argued that no
   government professing secularism must make such exclusions. However,
   Patel was publicly defended by Gandhi and received widespread
   admiration and support for speaking frankly on communal issues and
   acting decisively and resourcefully to quell disorder and violence.

Political integration of India

   India, before and after partition
   Enlarge
   India, before and after partition

   Under the June 3 plan, more than 600 princely states were given the
   option of joining either India or Pakistan, or choosing independence.
   Indian nationalists and large segments of the public feared that if
   these states did not accede, a vast majority of the people and
   territory would be fragmented. The Congress as well as senior British
   officials considered Patel the best man for the task of achieving
   unification of the princely states with the Indian dominion. Gandhi had
   said to Patel "the problem of the States is so difficult that you alone
   can solve it". He was considered a statesman of integrity with the
   practical acumen and resolve to accomplish a monumental task. Patel
   asked V. P. Menon, a senior civil servant with whom he had worked over
   the partition of India, to become his right-hand as chief secretary of
   the States Ministry. On 6 May 1947, Patel began lobbying the princes,
   attempting to make them receptive towards dialogue with the future
   Government and trying to forestall potential conflicts. Patel used
   social meetings and unofficial surroundings to engage most monarchs,
   inviting them to lunch and tea at his home in Delhi. At these meetings,
   Patel stated that there was no inherent conflict between the Congress
   and the princely order. Nonetheless, he stressed that the princes would
   need to accede to India in good faith by 15 August 1947. Patel invoked
   the patriotism of India's monarchs, asking them to join in the freedom
   of their nation and act as responsible rulers who cared about the
   future of their people. He persuaded the princes of 565 states of the
   impossibility of independence from the Indian republic, especially in
   the presence of growing opposition from their subjects. He proposed
   favourable terms for the merger, including creation of privy purses for
   the descendants of the rulers. While encouraging the rulers to act with
   patriotism, Patel did not rule out force, setting a deadline of 15
   August 1947 for them to sign the instrument of accession document. All
   but three of the states willingly merged into the Indian union — only
   Jammu and Kashmir, Junagadh, and Hyderabad did not fall into his
   basket.
   Hyderabad state in 1909. Its area stretches over the present Indian
   states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra.
   Enlarge
   Hyderabad state in 1909. Its area stretches over the present Indian
   states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra.

   Junagadh was especially important to Patel, since it was in his home
   state of Gujarat. The Nawab had under pressure from Sir Shah Nawaz
   Bhutto acceded to Pakistan. It was however, quite far from Pakistan and
   80% of its population was Hindu. Patel combined diplomacy with force,
   demanding that Pakistan annul the accession, and that the Nawab accede
   to India. He sent the Army to occupy three principalities of Junagadh
   to show his resolve. Following widespread protests and the formation of
   a civil government, or Arzi Hukumat, both Bhutto and the Nawab fled to
   Karachi, and under Patel's orders, Indian Army and police units marched
   into the state. A plebiscite later organised produced a 99.5% vote for
   merger with India. In a speech at the Bahauddin College in Junagadh
   following the latter's take-over, Patel emphasised his feeling of
   urgency on Hyderabad, which he felt was more vital to India than
   Kashmir:


   Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel

     If Hyderabad does not see the writing on the wall, it goes the way
      Junagadh has gone. Pakistan attempted to set off Kashmir against
     Junagadh. When we raised the question of settlement in a democratic
   way, they (Pakistan) at once told us that they would consider it if we
    applied that policy to Kashmir. Our reply was that we would agree to
                    Kashmir if they agreed to Hyderabad.


   Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel

   Hyderabad was the largest of the princely states, and included parts of
   present-day Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, and Maharashtra states. Its
   ruler, the Nizam Osman Ali Khan was a Muslim, although over 80% of its
   people were Hindu. The Nizam sought independence or accession with
   Pakistan. Militant Muslims called the Razakars, under Qasim Razvi
   pressed the Nizam to hold out against India, while organising attacks
   with militant Communists on people on Indian soil. Even though a
   Standstill Agreement was signed due to the desperate efforts of Lord
   Mountbatten to avoid a war, the Nizam rejected deals and changed his
   positions. In September 1948, Patel emphasised in Cabinet meetings that
   India should take no more, and reconciled Nehru and the
   Governor-General, Chakravarti Rajgopalachari to military action.
   Following preparations, Patel ordered the Indian Army to integrate
   Hyderabad (in his capacity as Acting Prime Minister) when Nehru was
   touring Europe. The action was termed Operation Polo, in which
   thousands of Razakar militants had been killed, but Hyderabad was
   comfortably secured into the Indian Union. The main aim of Mountbatten
   and Nehru in avoiding a forced annexation was to prevent an outbreak of
   Hindu-Muslim violence. Patel insisted that if Hyderabad was allowed to
   continue with its antics, the prestige of the Government would fall and
   then neither Hindus nor Muslims would feel secure in its realm. Many
   Indian Muslim leaders praised the successful integration and there were
   no episodes of civil violence. Despite his anger at the Nizam, Patel
   retained him as the ceremonial chief of state, and held talks with him
   where the Nizam apologised to Patel, who graciously defused the
   rivalry.

Leading India

   Governor General Chakravarti Rajagopalachari, Nehru and Patel formed
   the triumvirate which ruled India from 1948 to 1950. Prime Minister
   Nehru was intensely popular with the masses, but Patel enjoyed the
   loyalty and faith of rank and file Congressmen, state leaders and
   India's civil services. Patel was a senior leader in the Constituent
   Assembly of India and was responsible in a large measure for shaping
   India's constitution. Patel was a key force behind the appointment of
   Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar as the chairman of the drafting committee,
   and the inclusion of leaders from a diverse political spectrum in the
   process of writing the constitution.

   Patel was the chairman of the committees responsible for minorities,
   tribal and excluded areas, fundamental rights and provincial
   constitutions. Patel piloted a model constitution for the provinces in
   the Assembly, which contained limited powers for the state governor,
   who would defer to the President — he clarified it was not the
   intention to let the governor exercise power which could impede an
   elected government. He worked closely with Muslim leaders to end
   separate electorates and the more potent demand for reservation of
   seats for minorities. Patel would hold personal dialogues with leaders
   of other minorities on the question, and was responsible for the
   measure that allows the President to appoint Anglo-Indians to
   Parliament. His intervention was key to the passage of two articles
   that protected civil servants from political involvement and guaranteed
   their terms and privileges. He was also instrumental in the founding
   the Indian Administrative Service and the Indian Police Service, and
   for his defence of Indian civil servants from political attack, he is
   known as the "patron saint" of India's services. When a delegation of
   Gujarati farmers came to him citing their inability to send their milk
   production to the markets without being fleeced by middlemen, Patel
   exhorted them to organise the processing and sale of milk by
   themselves, and guided them to create the Kaira District Co-operative
   Milk Producers' Union Limited, which preceded the Amul milk products
   brand. Patel also pledged the reconstruction of the ancient but
   dilapidated Somnath Temple in Saurashtra — he oversaw the creation of a
   public trust and restoration work, and pledged to dedicate the temple
   upon the completion of work (the work was completed after Patel's
   death, and the temple was inaugurated by the first President of India,
   Dr. Rajendra Prasad).

   When the Pakistani invasion of Kashmir began in September 1947, Patel
   immediately wanted to send troops into Kashmir. But agreeing with Nehru
   and Mountbatten, he waited till Kashmir's monarch had acceded to India.
   Patel then oversaw India's military operations to secure Srinagar, the
   Baramulla Pass and the forces retrieved a lot of territory from the
   invaders. Patel, along with Defence Minister Baldev Singh administered
   the entire military effort, arranging for troops from different parts
   of India to be rushed to Kashmir and for a major military road
   connecting Srinagar to Pathankot be built in 6 months. Patel strongly
   advised Nehru against going for arbitration to the United Nations,
   insisting that Pakistan had been wrong to support the invasion and the
   accession to India was valid. He did not want foreign interference in a
   bilateral affair. Patel opposed the release of Rs. 55 crores to the
   Government of Pakistan, convinced that the money would go to finance
   the war against India in Kashmir. The Cabinet had approved his point
   but it was reversed when Gandhi, who feared an intensifying rivalry and
   further communal violence, went on a fast-unto-death to obtain the
   release. Patel, though not estranged from Gandhi, was deeply hurt at
   the rejection of his counsel and a Cabinet decision.

   In 1949, a crisis arose when the number of Hindu refugees entering West
   Bengal, Assam and Tripura from East Pakistan climbed over 800,000. The
   refugees in many cases were being forcibly evicted by Pakistani
   authorities, and were victims of intimidation and violence. Nehru
   invited Liaquat Ali Khan, Prime Minister of Pakistan to find a peaceful
   solution. Despite his aversion, Patel reluctantly met Khan and
   discussed the matters. Patel strongly criticised, however, Nehru's
   intention to sign a pact that would create minority commissions in both
   countries and pledge both India and Pakistan to a commitment to protect
   each other's minorities. Syama Prasad Mookerjee and K.C. Neogy, two
   Bengali ministers resigned and Nehru was intensely criticised in West
   Bengal for allegedly appeasing Pakistan. The pact was immediately in
   jeopardy. Patel however, publicly came out to Nehru's aid. He gave
   emotional speeches to members of Parliament, and the people of West
   Bengal, and spoke with scores of delegations of Congressmen, Hindus,
   Muslims and other public interest groups, persuading them to give peace
   a final effort. The pact was approved and within a year, most of the
   Hindu refugees had returned to East Pakistan.

Gandhi's death and relations with Nehru

   Patel with Gandhi in the early 1940s
   Enlarge
   Patel with Gandhi in the early 1940s

   Patel was intensely loyal to Gandhi and both he and Nehru looked to him
   to arbitrate disputes. However, Nehru and Patel sparred over national
   issues. When Nehru asserted control over Kashmir policy, Patel objected
   to Nehru's sidelining his home ministry's officials. Nehru was offended
   by Patel's decision-making regarding the states' integration, having
   neither consulted him nor the cabinet. Patel asked Gandhi to relieve
   him of his obligation to serve, knowing that he lacked Nehru's youth
   and popularity. He believed that an open political battle would hurt
   India. After much personal deliberation and contrary to Patel's
   prediction, Gandhi on 30 January 1948 told Patel not to leave the
   government. A free India, according to Gandhi, needed both Patel and
   Nehru. Patel was the last man to privately talk with Gandhi, who was
   assassinated just minutes after Patel's departure. At Gandhi's wake,
   Nehru and Patel embraced each other and addressed the nation together.
   Patel gave solace to many associates and friends and immediately moved
   to forestall any possible violence. Within two months of Gandhi's
   death, Patel suffered a major heart attack; the timely action of his
   daughter, his secretary and nurse saved Patel's life. Speaking later,
   Patel attributed the attack to the "grief bottled up" due to Gandhi's
   death.

   Criticism arose from the media and other politicians that Patel's home
   ministry had failed to protect Gandhi. Emotionally exhausted, Patel
   tendered a letter of resignation, offering to leave the government.
   Patel's secretary convinced him to withhold the letter, seeing it as
   fodder for Patel's political enemies and political conflict in India.
   However, Nehru sent Patel a letter dismissing any question of personal
   differences and his desire for Patel's ouster. He reminded Patel of
   their 30-year partnership in the freedom struggle and asserted that
   after Gandhi's death, it was especially wrong for them to quarrel.
   Nehru, Rajagopalachari and other Congressmen publicly defended Patel.
   Moved, Patel publicly endorsed Nehru's leadership and refuted any
   suggestion of discord. Patel publicly dispelled any notion that he
   sought to be prime minister. Though the two committed themselves to
   joint leadership and non-interference in Congress party affairs, they
   would criticise each other in matters of policy, clashing on the issues
   of Hyderabad's integration and UN mediation in Kashmir. Nehru declined
   Patel's counsel on sending assistance to Tibet after its 1950 invasion
   by the People's Republic of China and ejecting the Portuguese from Goa
   by military force.

   When Nehru pressured Dr. Rajendra Prasad to decline a nomination to
   become the first President of India in 1950 in favour of
   Rajagopalachari, he thus angered the party, which felt Nehru was
   attempting to impose his will. Nehru sought Patel's help in winning the
   party over, but Patel declined and Prasad was duly elected. Nehru
   opposed the 1950 Congress presidential candidate Purushottam Das
   Tandon, a conservative Hindu leader, endorsing Jivatram Kripalani
   instead and threatening to resign if Tandon was elected. Patel rejected
   Nehru's views and endorsed Tandon in Gujarat, where Kripalani received
   not one vote despite hailing from that state himself. Patel believed
   Nehru had to understand that his will was not law with the Congress,
   but he personally discouraged Nehru from resigning after the latter
   felt that the party had no confidence in him.

Death

   On 29 March 1949, authorities lost radio contact with a plane carrying
   Patel, his daughter Manibehn and the Maharaja of Patiala. Engine
   failure caused the pilot to make an emergency landing in a desert area
   in Rajasthan. With all passengers safe, Patel and others tracked down a
   nearby village and local officials. When Patel returned to Delhi,
   thousands of Congressmen gave him a resounding welcome. In Parliament,
   MPs gave a long, standing ovation to Patel, stopping proceedings for
   half an hour. In his twilight years, Patel was honoured by members of
   Parliament and awarded honorary doctorates of laws by the Punjab
   University and Osmania University.

   Patel's health declined rapidly through the summer of 1950. He later
   began coughing blood, whereupon Manibehn began limiting his meetings
   and working hours and arranged for a personalised medical staff to
   begin attending to Patel. The Chief Minister of West Bengal and doctor
   Bidhan Roy heard Patel make jokes about his impending end, and in a
   private meeting Patel frankly admitted to his ministerial colleague N.
   V. Gadgil that he was not going to live much longer. Patel's health
   worsened after 2 November, when he began losing consciousness
   frequently and was confined to his bed. He was flown to Mumbai on 12
   December to recuperate at his son Dahyabhai's flat — his condition
   deemed critical, Nehru and Rajagopalachari came to the airport to see
   him off. After suffering a massive heart attack (his second), he died
   on 15 December 1950. In an unprecedented and unrepeated gesture, on the
   day after his death more than 1,500 officers of India's civil and
   police services congregated to mourn at Patel's residence in Delhi and
   pledged "complete loyalty and unremitting zeal" in India's service. His
   cremation in Sonapur, Mumbai, was attended by large crowds, Nehru,
   Rajagopalachari, President Prasad, and many Congressmen and freedom
   fighters.

Criticism and legacy

   The coat of Sardar Patel, on display at the Sardar Patel National
   Memorial, Ahmedabad
   Enlarge
   The coat of Sardar Patel, on display at the Sardar Patel National
   Memorial, Ahmedabad

   During his lifetime, Vallabhbhai Patel received criticism of an alleged
   bias against Muslims during the time of partition. He was criticised by
   nationalist Muslims such as Maulana Azad as well as Hindu nationalists
   for readily plumping for partition. Patel was criticised by supporters
   of Subhash Bose for acting coercively to put down politicians not
   supportive of Gandhi. Socialist politicians such as Jaya Prakash
   Narayan and Asoka Mehta criticised him for his personal proximity to
   Indian industrialists such as the Birla and Sarabhai families. Some
   historians have criticised Patel's actions on the integration of
   princely states as undermining the right of self-determination for
   those states.

   However, Patel is credited for being almost single-handedly responsible
   for unifying India on the eve of independence. He won the admiration of
   many Indians for speaking frankly on the issues of Hindu-Muslim
   relations and not shying from using military force to integrate India.
   His skills of leadership and practical judgement were hailed by British
   statesmen — his opponents in the freedom struggle — such as Lord
   Wavell, Cripps, Pethick-Lawrence and Mountbatten. Some historians and
   admirers of Patel such as Rajendra Prasad and industrialist J.R.D. Tata
   have expressed opinions that Patel would have made a better prime
   minister for India than Nehru. Nehru's critics and Patel's admirers
   cite Nehru's belated embrace of Patel's advice regarding the UN and
   Kashmir and the integration of Goa by military action. Proponents of
   free enterprise cite the failings of Nehru's socialist policies as
   opposed to Patel's defence of property rights and his mentorship of the
   Amul co-operative project.

   Among Patel's surviving family, Manibehn Patel lived in a flat in
   Mumbai for the rest of her life following her father's death; she often
   led the work of the Sardar Patel Memorial Trust — which organises the
   prestigious annual Sardar Patel Memorial Lectures — and other
   charitable organisations. Dahyabhai Patel was a businessman who
   eventually was elected to serve in the Lok Sabha (the lower house of
   the Indian Parliament) as an MP in the 1960s.

Commemoration

   The central hall of the Sardar Patel National Memorial
   Enlarge
   The central hall of the Sardar Patel National Memorial

   For many decades after his death, there was a perceived lack of effort
   from the Government of India, the national media and the Congress party
   regarding the commemoration of Patel's life and work. However, Patel is
   lionised as a hero in Gujarat and his family home in Karamsad is still
   preserved in his memory. Patel was officially awarded the Bharat Ratna,
   India's highest civilian honour posthumously in 1991. Patel's birthday,
   31 October, is celebrated nationally in India as Sardar Jayanti. The
   Sardar Patel National Memorial was established in 1980 at the Moti
   Shahi Mahal in Ahmedabad. It composes of a museum, a gallery of
   portraits and historical pictures and a library, which stores important
   documents and books associated with Patel and his life. Amongst the
   exhibits are many of Patel's personal effects and relics from various
   periods of his personal and political life.

   Patel is the namesake of many public institutions in India. A major
   initiative to build dams, canals and hydroelectric power plants on the
   Narmada river valley to provide a tri-state area with drinking water,
   electricity and increase agricultural production was christened the
   Sardar Sarovar. Patel is also the namesake of the Sardar Vallabhbhai
   National Institute of Technology, the Sardar Patel University and the
   Sardar Patel Vidyalaya, which are among the nation's premier
   institutions. In Richard Attenborough's Gandhi (1982), actor Saeed
   Jaffrey portrayed Patel. In 1993, the biopic Sardar was produced and
   directed by Ketan Mehta and featured noted Indian actor Paresh Rawal as
   Patel; it focused on Patel's leadership in the years leading up to
   independence, the partition of India, India's political integration and
   Patel's relationship with Gandhi and Nehru.

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