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Political integration of India

2007 Schools Wikipedia Selection. Related subjects: General history

   The political integration of India established a united nation for the
   first time in centuries from a plethora of princely states, colonial
   provinces and possessions. Despite partition, a new India united
   peoples of various geographic, economic, ethnic, linguistic and
   religious backgrounds. The process began in 1947, with the unification
   of 565 princely states through a critical series of political
   campaigns, sensitive diplomacy and military conflicts. India was
   transformed after independence through political upheaval and ethnic
   discontent, and continues to evolve as a federal republic natural to
   its diversity. The process is defined by sensitive religious conflicts
   between Hindus and Muslims, diverse ethnic populations, as well as by
   geo-political rivalry and military conflicts with Pakistan and China.

   When the Indian independence movement succeeded in ending the British
   Raj on August 15, 1947, India's leaders faced the prospect of
   inheriting a nation fragmented between medieval-era kingdoms and
   provinces organised by colonial powers. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, one
   of India's most respected freedom fighters, as the new Minister of Home
   Affairs was the man responsible for employing political negotiations
   backed with the option (and the use) of military force to ensure the
   primacy of the Central government and of the Constitution then being
   drafted.

   India's constitution pronounced it a Union of States, exemplifying a
   federal system with a strong central government. Over the course of the
   two decades following Independence the Governement of India reclaimed
   the possessions of the French Empire and Portugal. But the trend
   changed as popular movements arose for the recognition of regional
   languages, and attention for the special issues of diverse regions. A
   backlash ensued against centralization — the lack of attention and
   respect for regional issues resulted in cultural alienation and violent
   separatism. The Central government attempted to balance the use of
   force on separatist extremists with the creation of new States in order
   to reduce the pressures on the Indian State. The map has been redrawn,
   as the nature of the federation transforms. Today, the Republic of
   India is a Union of 28 states and 7 territories.

British India

   Created by the British, Madras was composed of five different
   linguistic groups and parts of five modern states.
   Enlarge
   Created by the British, Madras was composed of five different
   linguistic groups and parts of five modern states.

   British colonization of the Indian subcontinent began in the early 18th
   century. By the mid-19th century, most of the subcontinent was under
   British rule. With the arrival of Lord Mountbatten (the former Lord
   Louis Mountbatten later created Viscount Mountbatten of Burma, then
   promoted to Earl) as the Viceroy of India in early 1947, the British
   government under Prime Minister Clement Attlee made a clear indication
   that the independence of India was imminent. India's top political
   parties, the Indian National Congress and the All India Muslim League
   were both negotiating the impending transfer of power as well as the
   make-up of the new Indian government. To this end, elections were held
   for the Constituent Assembly of India. In June 1947, the Congress and
   the League agreed to the planned partition of British India into two
   independent British Commonwealth dominions: India and Pakistan. Burma
   had been separated from British India in 1937 and it became independent
   along with Ceylon (never a part of British India) in 1948.

   Without the princely states, the Dominion of India would comprise the
   provinces of Bombay Presidency, Madras Presidency, the United Provinces
   of Agra and Oudh, the Central Provinces and Berar, Assam, Orissa,
   Bihar, and the chief commissioners' provinces of Coorg, Ajmer-Merwara,
   Panth-Piploda, and Delhi. The North West Frontier Province, Sind, and
   the chief commissioners' province of Baluchistan would go to Pakistan.
   The provinces of Bengal and Punjab had been partitioned in 1946, with
   India retaining West Bengal and East Punjab, the Hindu-majority
   portions of the larger provinces. West Punjab and East Bengal were
   heavily Muslim, and went to Pakistan. The Andaman and Nicobar Islands
   and the Lakshadweep Islands would be turned over to the control of
   India.

The states

   The Saurashtra and Kathiawar regions of Gujarat (depicted) were home to
   over two hundred princely states.
   Enlarge
   The Saurashtra and Kathiawar regions of Gujarat (depicted) were home to
   over two hundred princely states.

   There were between 570 and 600 princely states which enjoyed special
   recognition by and relationship with the British Raj. The British
   government announced in the Indian Independence Act 1947 that with the
   transfer of power on August 15, 1947, all of these states would be
   freed of their obligations to the British Empire, and thus would be
   free to join either India or Pakistan, or to choose to become
   independent. The kingdom of Nepal was an independent treaty ally, and
   became a fully sovereign nation. The kingdom of Bhutan would dissolve
   its protectorate relationship similarly, but via treaty in 1949, India
   would become the guarantor of its security. The kingdom of Sikkim
   became a protectorate of India. Apart from a few which were
   geographically unalienable from Pakistan, approximately 565 princely
   states were clearly linked to India, the largest nation.

   The largest of them included Hyderabad and Kashmir, while 222 states
   existed in the Kathiawar peninsula alone. The states comprised more
   than half of the territory of India and a large proportion of its
   population. It was believed that without a single federal structure
   India would be susceptible to political, military and social conflicts.
   The British had taken control of India piecemeal and over the course of
   a century; most of the states had signed different treaties at
   different times with the British East India Company and the British
   Crown, giving the British Raj varying degrees of control over foreign,
   inter-state relations and defence. Indian monarchs accepted the
   suzerainty of Britain in India, paid tribute and allowed British
   authorities to collect taxes and appropriate finances, and in many
   cases, manage the affairs of governance via the Raj's Political
   Department. The princes were represented in the Imperial Legislative
   Council and the Chamber of Princes, and under law enjoyed relationships
   described as that of allies, not subordinates. Thus the princes
   maintained a channel of influence with the British Raj.

Process of accession

   The states of Gwalior, Bikaner, Patiala and Baroda were the first to
   join India on April 28, 1947. Others were wary, distrusting a
   democratic government led by revolutionaries of uncertain, and possibly
   radical views, and fearful of losing their influence as rulers.
   Travancore and Hyderabad announced their desire for independence while
   the Nawab of Bhopal, Hamidullah Khan, expressed his desire to either
   negotiate with Pakistan or seek independence. The Nawab was a powerful
   influence on a number of princes, as he was the former chancellor of
   the Chamber of Princes. In addition, Jodhpur, Indore and Jaisalmer
   conducted a dialogue with Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the slated
   Governor-General of Pakistan, to discuss terms for a possible accession
   to it. While this surprised many in both India and Pakistan, neither
   party could ultimately ignore the fact that these kingdoms were
   Hindu-majority, which rendered their membership in overwhelmingly
   Muslim Pakistan untenable.
   Vallabhbhai Patel in Bardoli, 1928.
   Enlarge
   Vallabhbhai Patel in Bardoli, 1928.

   Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel was the Minister for Home and States Affairs,
   and was given the explicit responsibility of welding a united and
   strategically secure India in time for the transfer of power. Patel was
   considered the best man for the task by the Congress Party, as well as
   Lord Mountbatten and senior British officials. Mahatma Gandhi had, in
   fact, said to Patel "the problem of the States is so difficult that you
   alone can solve it". He was recognised by the Princes and
   parliamentarians alike to be a man of integrity; and, in addition, he
   was believed to have the practical acumen and resolve to accomplish a
   monumental task. Patel asked V. P. Menon, a senior civil servant with
   whom he had worked over the partition of India, to become the Secretary
   in charge of the Home and States Ministry, as it then was. Patel's
   admirers would later call him the Iron Man of India for his decisive
   actions at this time.

Instrument of accession

   Sardar Patel and V.P. Menon devised a formula to propose to the
   monarchs. The Instrument of Accession was the official treaty to be
   signed between the Government of India or the Government of Pakistan
   and the accession candidates. According to the basic tenets of the
   treaty, the Government of India would control only foreign affairs,
   defence and communications, leaving all internal issues to be
   administered by the states. On July 5, 1947, the official policy of the
   Government of India was released, and stated:

          "We ask no more of the States than accession on these three
          subjects in which the common interests of the country are
          involved. In other matters we would scrupulously respect their
          autonomous existence. This country… is the proud heritage of the
          people who inhabit it. It is an accident that some live in the
          States and some in British India… None can segregate us into
          segments… I suggest that it is better therefore for us to make
          laws sitting together as friends than to make treaties as
          aliens. I invite my friends the rulers of States and their
          people to the councils of the Constituent Assembly in this
          spirit of friendliness… Congressmen are no enemies of the
          princely order."

   Considering that the princes had to sign away the sovereignty of states
   where their families had reigned for centuries, and that they believed
   that India's security would be jeopardised if even one state refused to
   sign on, Patel and Menon were of the opinion that this was the best
   deal that could be put to the princes. While negotiating with the
   states, Patel and Menon also guaranteed that monarchs who signed on
   willingly would be retained as constitutional heads of state, although
   they would be 'encouraged' to hand their power over to an elected
   government. Once the Instrument of Accession was signed, the state
   would be represented in the Constituent Assembly of India, thus
   becoming an active participant in framing the new Constitution.

Patel's diplomacy

   Lord Louis Mountbatten played an important role in convincing reluctant
   monarchs to accede to the Indian Union.
   Enlarge
   Lord Louis Mountbatten played an important role in convincing reluctant
   monarchs to accede to the Indian Union.

   On May 6, 1947, Patel began lobbying the princes, attempting to make
   them receptive towards dialogue with the future Government and trying
   to forestall potential conflicts. Patel used social meetings and
   unofficial surroundings to engage most monarchs, inviting them to lunch
   and tea at his home in Delhi. At these meetings, Patel would claim that
   there was no inherent conflict between the Congress and the princely
   order. Nonetheless, he stressed that Congress expected the princes to
   accede to India in good faith before the deadline, August 15, 1947.
   Patel also listened to the monarchs’ opinions, seeking to address their
   two chief concerns:
     * The princes feared that the Congress would be hostile to the
       princely order, attacking their property and, indeed, their civil
       liberties. They were moved to this concern by the fact that a large
       proportion of Congress was of socialist inclination. Patel, no
       socialist himself, promised personally that the Congress, would not
       politically attack the Indian princes nor deprive them of any more
       political power or property than was 'necessary' for the stability
       and unity of India.

     * Patel assured the monarchs of the states that after acceding to
       India, they would be allowed to retain their property and estates.
       Further, they would be fully eligible to run for public office.

     * For the loss of income (from revenue), the monarchs would be
       compensated with a privy purse.

     * The princes were also worried that the guarantees offered by Patel
       while the British were still in charge would be scrapped after
       August 15. Patel thus had to promise to include the guarantees of
       privy purses and limited central powers in the as yet unframed
       Constitution.

   Patel invoked the patriotism of India's monarchs, asking them to join
   in the freedom of their nation and act as responsible rulers who cared
   about the future of their people. V. P. Menon was frequently dispatched
   to hold talks with the ministers and monarchs. Menon would work each
   day with Patel, calling him twice, including a final status report in
   the night. Menon was Patel's closest advisor and aide on the diplomacy
   and tactics, and handling of potential conflicts, as well as his link
   with British officials. Patel also enlisted Lord Mountbatten, who was
   trusted by most of the princes and was a personal friend of many,
   especially the Nawab of Bhopal, Hamidullah Khan. Mountbatten was also a
   credible figure because Jawaharlal Nehru and Patel had asked him to
   become the first Governor General of the Dominion of India. In a July,
   1947 gathering of rulers, Mountbatten laid out his argument:

          "...The subcontinent of India acted as an economic entity. That
          link is now to be broken. If nothing can be put in its place,
          only chaos can result and that chaos, I submit, will hurt the
          states first. The States are theoretically free to link their
          future with whichever Dominion they may care. But may I point
          out that there are certain geographical compulsions which cannot
          be evaded?"

   Mountbatten stressed that he would act as the trustee of the princes'
   commitment, as he would be serving as India's head of state well into
   1948. Mountbatten engaged in a personal dialogue with the Nawab of
   Bhopal. He asked through a confidential letter to him, that he sign the
   instrument of accession, which Mountbatten would keep locked up in his
   safe. It would be handed to the States Department on August 15 only if
   the Nawab did not change his mind before then, which he was free to do.
   The Nawab agreed, and did not renege over the deal.

Accession of the states

   From June to August 15, 1947, 562 of the 565 India-linked states signed
   the instrument of accession. Despite dramatic political exchanges,
   Travancore, Jodhpur and Indore signed on time. Patel was also willing
   to take on other Indian leaders for the sake of accomplishing the job.
   The privy purse pledge was offensive to many socialists, and Prime
   Minister Nehru had complained of Patel by-passing the Cabinet to make
   the pledge to the Princes. Patel described the pledge as an essential
   guarantee of the Government's intentions, and it was duly incorporated
   into the Constitution. (In 1971, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's
   Congress Party would repeal the clause through a constitutional
   amendment.) Patel defended their right to retain property and contest
   elections for public office, and today, especially in states like
   Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, descendants of the formerly royal
   families play an important role in politics.

   However, in the strenuous process of integration three major conflicts
   arose that posed a major threat to the Union:

Junagadh

   Junagadh was a state on the southwestern end of Gujarat, with the
   principalities of Manavadar, Mangrol and Babriawad. The Arabian Sea
   stood between it and Pakistan, and over 80% of its population was
   Hindu. Possibly on the advice of his Dewan, Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto, who
   was prominent in the Muslim League, the Nawab of Junagadh Mahabhat Khan
   acceded to Pakistan. The accession was announced on August 15, 1947,
   when Pakistan had come into being. When Pakistan confirmed the
   acceptance of the accession in September, the Government of India was
   outraged that Muhammad Ali Jinnah would accept the accession of
   Junagadh despite his argument that Hindus and Muslims could not live as
   one nation. Patel believed that if Junagadh was permitted to go to
   Pakistan, it would exacerbate the communal tension already simmering in
   Gujarat.

   Patel gave Pakistan time to void the accession and hold a plebiscite in
   Junagadh. Samaldas Gandhi formed a democratic government-in-exile, the
   Arzi Hukumat (in Urdu:Arzi: People's Request, Hukumat: Government) of
   the people of Junagadh. Eventually, Patel ordered the forcible
   annexation of Junagadh's three principalities. Junagadh's court, facing
   financial collapse and no possibility of resisting Indian forces, first
   invited the Arzi Hukumat, and later the Government of India to accept
   the reins. A plebiscite was conducted in December, in which
   approximately 99% of the people chose India over Pakistan.

Kashmir

   Maharaja Hari Singh, a Hindu, was equally hesitant about acceding to
   either India — he felt his mostly Muslim subjects would not like
   joining a Hindu-majority nation — or Pakistan — an eventuality which he
   would personally prefer to avoid. He personally believed that Kashmir
   could exercise its right to stay independent; a belief in which he was
   backed by Sheikh Abdullah, the leader of Kashmir's largest political
   party, the National Conference. However, Pakistan coveted the Himalayan
   kingdom, while Indian leaders including Gandhi and Nehru hoped that the
   kingdom would join India. Hari Singh signed a Standstill Agreement
   (preserving status quo) with Pakistan, but did not make his decision by
   August 15.

   Pakistan, concerned about the lack of movement on the front, attempted
   to force the issue by permitting the incursions of tribals from the
   North-West Frontier, followed in September 1947 by regular forces.
   India offered military assistance to the Kashmiri Government, which was
   totally without an organised military; such assistance, however, was
   conditional on the Maharaja signing the Instrument of Accession, which
   he then did. By this time the raiders were close to the capital of
   Srinagar. Indian troops secured Jammu, Srinagar and the valley itself
   during the First Kashmir War, but the intense fighting flagged with the
   onset of winter, which made much of the state impassable. Prime
   Minister Nehru, recognising the degree of international attention
   brought to bear on the dispute, declared a ceasefire and sought U.N.
   arbitration with the promise of a plebiscite. Patel had argued against
   both, describing Kashmir as a bilateral dispute and its accession as
   justified by international law. Patel had feared that the U.N.'s
   involvement would stall the process and allow Pakistan to reinforce its
   presence in Kashmir; in addition, it was far from clear, which way a
   plebiscite would go. In 1957, Kashmir was officially integrated into
   the Union, but with special provisions made for it in the
   Constitution's Article 370. The northwestern portion that remained
   under control of the Pakistan army is today Pakistan-administered
   Kashmir. In 1962, China occupied Aksai Chin, the northeastern region
   bordering Ladakh.

Hyderabad

   Hyderabad state in 1909. Its area stretches over the present Indian
   states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra.
   Enlarge
   Hyderabad state in 1909. Its area stretches over the present Indian
   states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra.

   Hyderabad was a state that stretched over 82,000 square miles (over
   212,000 square kilometres) in the centre of India and with a population
   of 16 million, 85% of whom were Hindus. Its ruler was Nizam Usman Ali
   Khan, and had always enjoyed a special relationship with the British
   Raj. When the British ruled out dominion status, the Nizam set his mind
   upon independence, under the influence of Muslim radical Qasim Razvi.
   Without Hyderabad, a large gap would exist in the centre of the united
   nation envisioned by Indian nationalists and the Indian public. Patel
   believed that Hyderabad was looking to Pakistan for support, and could
   pose a constant threat to India's security in the future. Patel argued
   that Hyderabad was essential for India's unity, but he agreed with Lord
   Mountbatten that force should not be used immediately. A Standstill
   Agreement was signed — an agreement made with no other princely state
   without an explicit assurance of eventual accession. However, Patel
   required Hyderabad promise it would not join Pakistan. Mountbatten and
   India's agent K.M. Munshi engaged the Nizam's envoys into negotiations.
   However, no deal was reached that both sides found acceptable, and the
   Nizam alleged that India had created a blockade. India, on the other
   hand, charged that Hyderabad was receiving arms from Pakistan, and that
   the Nizam was allowing Razvi's Razakar militants to intimidate Hindus
   and attack villages in India.

   Lord Mountbatten crafted a proposal called the Heads of Agreement,
   which called for the disbandment of the Razakars and restriction of the
   Hyderabad army, for the Nizam to hold a plebiscite and elections for a
   constituent assembly, and for eventual accession. While India would
   control Hyderabad's foreign affairs, the deal allowed Hyderabad to set
   up a parallel government and delay accession. Hyderabad's envoys
   assured Mountbatten that the Nizam would sign the agreement, and he
   lobbied Patel hard to sign for India. Patel signed the deal but
   retained his belief that the Nizam would not accept it. The Nizam,
   taking Razvi's advice dismissed the plan. In September 1948, Patel made
   it clear in Cabinet meetings that he intended to use force against the
   Nizam. He obtained the agreement of the new Governor-General
   Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari and Prime Minister Nehru after some
   contentious debate, and under Operation Polo, sent the Army to invade
   Hyderabad. Between September 13 and 18th, Indian troops fought
   Hyderabadi troops and Razakars and defeated them. Patel retained the
   Nizam as the head of state as a conciliatory gesture. The main aim of
   Mountbatten and Nehru in attempting to achieve integration through
   diplomacy had been to avoid an outbreak of Hindu-Muslim violence. Patel
   insisted that if Hyderabad was allowed to continue its independence,
   the prestige of the Government would be tarnished and then neither
   Hindus nor Muslims would feel secure in its realm. The successful
   annexation of Hyderabad was praised by many Indian Muslim leaders, and
   there were no episodes of civil violence.

Conflicting agendas

   The Indian subcontinent in 1948.
   Enlarge
   The Indian subcontinent in 1948.

   Different theories have been proposed to explain the designs of Indian
   and Pakistani leaders in this period. Rajmohan Gandhi postulates that
   an ideal deal working in the mind of Patel was that if Muhammad Ali
   Jinnah let India have Junagadh and Hyderabad, Patel would not object to
   Kashmir acceding to Pakistan. In his book Patel: A Life, Gandhi asserts
   that Jinnah sought to engage the questions of Junagadh and Hyderabad in
   the same battle. It is suggested that he wanted India to ask for a
   plebiscite in Junagadh and Hyderabad, knowing thus that the principle
   then would have to be applied to Kashmir, where the Muslim-majority
   would, he believed, vote for Pakistan. In a speech at the Bahauddin
   College in Junagadh following the latter's take-over, Patel said:

          "If Hyderabad does not see the writing on the wall, it goes the
          way Junagadh has gone. Pakistan attempted to set off Kashmir
          against Junagadh. When we raised the question of settlement in a
          democratic way, they (Pakistan) at once told us that they would
          consider it if we applied that policy to Kashmir. Our reply was
          that we would agree to Kashmir if they agreed to Hyderabad."

   Patel's opinions were not India's policy, nor were they shared by
   Nehru, but both leaders were angered at Jinnah's courting the princes
   of Jodhpur, Bhopal and Indore. In her book The Sole Spokesman, Ayesha
   Jalal argues that Jinnah had never actually wanted partition, but once
   created, he wanted Pakistan to become a secular state that was
   inclusive to its Hindu minority and strategically secure from a
   geographically-larger India, thus encouraging Hindu states to join.
   When Jinnah remained adamant about Junagadh, and when the invasion of
   Kashmir began in September 1947, Patel exerted himself over the defense
   and integration of Kashmir into India. India and Pakistan clashed over
   Kashmir in 1965 and 1971, as well as over the sovereignty of the Rann
   of Kutch in August, 1965.

Integrating the Union

   The province of Punjab was one of the largest in British India, and was
   divided in 1946. Today it stands within Pakistan, and the Indian states
   of Punjab, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh.
   Enlarge
   The province of Punjab was one of the largest in British India, and was
   divided in 1946. Today it stands within Pakistan, and the Indian states
   of Punjab, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh.
   Central Provinces and Berar: modern Madhya Pradesh.
   Enlarge
   Central Provinces and Berar: modern Madhya Pradesh.
   The Madras Presidency gave birth to Kerela, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and
   Andhra Pradesh.
   Enlarge
   The Madras Presidency gave birth to Kerela, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and
   Andhra Pradesh.

   Many of the 565 states that had joined the Union were very small and
   lacked resources to sustain their economies and support their growing
   populations. Many published their own currency, imposed restrictions
   and their own tax rules that impeded free trade. Although Prajamandals
   (People's Conventions) had been organised to increase democracy, a
   contentious debate opened over dissolving the very states India
   promised to officially recognise just months ago. Challenged by
   princes, Sardar Patel and V. P. Menon emphasized that without
   integration, the economies of states would collapse, and anarchy would
   arise if the princes were unable to provide democracy and govern
   properly. In December 1947, over 40 states in central and eastern India
   were merged into the Central Provinces and Orissa. Similarly, Patel
   also obtained the unification of 222 states in the Kathiawar peninsula
   of his native Gujarat. In a meeting with the rulers, Menon said:

          "His Highness the Maharaja of Bhavnagar has already declared
          himself in favour of a United Kathiawar State. I may also remind
          you of the metaphor employed by Sardar Patel, of how a large
          lake cools the atmosphere while small pools become stagnant...It
          is not possible for 222 States to continue their separate
          existence for very much longer. The extinction of the separate
          existence of the States may not be palatable, but unless
          something is done in good time to stabilise the situation in
          Kathiawar, the march of events may bring more unpalatable
          results."

   In Punjab, the Patiala and East Punjab States Union was formed. Madhya
   Bharat and Vindhya Pradesh emerged from the princely states of the
   former Central India Agency. Himachal Pradesh was created from 30
   states of the former Punjab Hill States Agency. A few large states,
   including Mysore, Kutch, and Bilaspur, remained distinct, but a great
   many more were merged into the provinces. The Northeast Frontier Agency
   (present-day Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland) was administered by the
   Ministry of External Affairs with the Governor of Assam. The
   Constitution of India, adopted on January 26, 1950 gave the states many
   powers, but the Union government had superior powers — including
   dissolving state governments if law and order were disrupted. National
   institutions were emphasized to prevent factionalism and separatism. A
   common judiciary and the Indian Administrative Service and Indian
   Police Service were created to erect a single government
   infrastructure. The united leadership to fight social, economic
   challenges of India for the first time in thousands of years was
   welcomed by most Indians.

Pondicherry and Goa

   In the 1950s, the regions of Pondicherry, Karikal, Yanaon, Mahe and
   Chandernagore were still colonies of France, and Daman and Diu, Dadra
   and Nagar Haveli and Goa remained as colonies of Portugal. The lodges
   in Machilipatnam, Kozhikode and Surat were ceded to India in October
   1947. An agreement between France and India in 1948 agreed to an
   election in France's remaining Indian possessions to choose their
   political future. Chandernagore was ceded to India on May 2, 1950, and
   was merged with West Bengal on October 2, 1955. On November 1, 1954,
   the four enclaves of Pondicherry, Yanaon, Mahe, and Karikal were de
   facto transferred to the Indian Union and became the Union territory of
   Pondicherry. Portugal had resisted diplomatic solutions, and refused to
   transfer power. Dadra and Nagar Haveli were incorporated into India in
   1953 after bands of Indian irregulars occupied the lands, but Goa,
   Daman and Diu remained a bone of contention.

   Arbitration by the World Court and the United Nations General Assembly
   favoured self-determination, but Portugal resisted all overtures from
   India. On December 18, 1961, in what Prime Minister Nehru termed as a
   police action, the Indian Army liberated Goa, Daman and Diu. The
   Portuguese surrendered on December 19, and 3,000 Portuguese soldiers
   became prisoners of war. This take-over ended the last of the European
   colonies in India. In 1987, Goa achieved statehood.

States reorganization

   The Constitution did not re-shape India's map — it established three
   orders of states that preserved the territories and governing
   structures of the recent past. However, India's ethnically diverse
   population was dissatisfied with colonial-era arrangements and
   centralised authority, which disempowered ethnic groups that did not
   form a significant population in a province. The many regional
   languages of India were without official use and recognition. Political
   movements arose in the regions demanding official use and autonomy for
   the Marathi-, Telugu-, Tamil-speaking regions of the Bombay state and
   Madras state. Incidents of violence grew in cities like Bombay and
   Madras as the demands gained momentum and became a potential source of
   conflict. Potti Sreeramulu undertook a fast-unto-death, demanding an
   Andhra state. Sreeramulu lost his life in the protest, but Andhra State
   was soon created in 1953 out of the northern, Telugu-speaking districts
   of Madras state as a result of aroused popular support.

   Prime Minister Nehru appointed the States Reorganisation Commission to
   recommend a reorganization of state boundaries along linguistic lines.
   The States Reorganisation Act of 1956, which went into effect on
   November 1, 1956, was the largest single change to state borders in the
   history of independent India. Bombay, Madhya Pradesh, Mysore, Punjab,
   and Rajasthan were enlarged by the addition of smaller states and parts
   of adjacent states. Hyderabad was partitioned among Bombay, Mysore, and
   Andhra Pradesh states, and the new linguistic state of Kerala was
   created by merging the Malayalam-speaking state of Travancore-Cochin
   with Malabar District of Madras state.

   On May 1, 1960, Gujarat and Maharashtra were created out of Bombay
   State, which had been enlarged by the Act, as a result of conflicting
   linguistic movements. Violent clashes erupted in Mumbai and villages on
   the border with Karnataka over issues of Maharashtrian territory.
   Maharashtra still claims Belgaum as its own. In 1965, unrest broke out
   in Madras when Hindi was to take effect as India's national language.

Punjab and northeastern India

   A culture of centralization was resented across many regions — it
   stifled regional autonomy and cultural identity. Inefficiency,
   corruption and economic stagnation in 1960s and 1970s aided this
   argument. Although Punjab was one of the most prosperous states,
   demands for greater autonomy and statehood arose. In 1966, Punjab was
   divided into Sikh-majority Punjab and Hindu-majority Haryana, with
   their joint capital in Chandigarh, a union territory. Certain northern
   districts were allocated to Himachal Pradesh. Jawaharlal Nehru had
   opposed creating separate states for different religious communities,
   but it was carried out by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who faced
   pressure from the SGPC and leaders like Master Tara Singh. When the
   Khalistan insurgency created turmoil in the 1980s, the Army attacked
   militant encampments in the Golden Temple. The bloody outcome outraged
   the Sikhs, who saw it as a desecration of their holiest shrine by the
   Government. Indira Gandhi was assassinated, which in turn resulted in
   communal violence in Delhi. The Government employed martial law and
   force to crush the militant groups, but also began a process of
   devolving powers to the states as a means to end separatism. Punjab
   today is one of the most peaceful and prosperous states.
   Current political map of India showing states and territories.
   Enlarge
   Current political map of India showing states and territories.

   China does not recognise the McMahon Line that is the framework of its
   boundary with India, and lays a claim to the territory of Arunachal
   Pradesh — briefly occupied by Chinese forces in the Sino-Indian War. In
   1967, Chinese and Indian forces clashed at the Chola Border Post in
   Sikkim, whose merger with India was disputed for long but resolved in
   2003. Nagaland, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh, Tripura,
   Manipur, and Assam, known as the Seven Sisters, became states between
   the 1970s and 1980s. In 1975, India under Indira Gandhi integrated
   Sikkim into the Union after a plebiscite resulted in an overwhelming
   vote in favour of merger with India, but the Army had to forcibly take
   control from the Chogyal. In the 1960-70s, violent militancy arose in
   Assam and Nagaland. Neglect and discrimination by the Union government,
   as well as poverty and cultural aversion resulted in violence against
   refugees from Bangladesh and other settlers. The ULFA insurgency
   paralyzed Assam in the 1980s. Similar tensions in Mizoram and Tripura
   forced the Indian government to impose a martial law environment. The
   decline of popular appeal, increased autonomy, economic development and
   rising tourism has helped considerably reduce violence across the
   region.

Modern developments

   Several new states were created in 2000 — Chhattisgarh (from Madhya
   Pradesh), Jharkhand (from Bihar) and Uttaranchal (from Uttar Pradesh).
   This resulted from a national debate concerning the purported need to
   partition large states burdened with socioeconomic challenges,
   including overpopulation and the political marginalisation of ethnic
   minorities. Such debate has not ceased: there are proposals for the
   creation of Vidarbha from Maharashtra, Telangana from Andhra Pradesh,
   Bundelkhand from parts of Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, and Jammu
   and Ladakh from Kashmir.

   Correspondingly, governments have begun devolving power to regional
   levels as a means of increasing popular representation and
   administrative efficiency, as well as alleviating social problems.
   These include disparities in economic growth — despite India's rapid
   economic development — and the corresponding easing of socioeconomic
   pressures faced by communities across these regions. Uttar Pradesh and
   Andhra Pradesh are forming special commissions for their Purvanchal,
   Rayalaseema, Telangana and Coastal Andhra regions. Groups, including
   self-appointed representatives of northeastern India's Bodo people, are
   pushing — often via violent insurgency — for either the formation of a
   Bodoland state or independence. In 2003, an agreement was signed
   between the Union government, the state of Assam and the main Bodo
   separatist groups. This created the Bodoland Territorial Councils,
   which granted autonomy to regions with significant Bodo populations.
   Other groups are pushing for the conferral of statehood upon Kutch,
   Cooch Behar, Gorkhaland, Kamtapur and Coorg.

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