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Famine

2007 Schools Wikipedia Selection. Related subjects: Natural Disasters

   A famine is a social and economic crisis that is commonly accompanied
   by widespread malnutrition, starvation, epidemic and increased
   mortality. Although many famines coincide with national or regional
   shortages of food, famine has also occurred amid plenty or on account
   of acts of economic or military policy that have deprived certain
   populations of sufficient food to ensure survival. Historically,
   famines have occurred because of drought, crop failure and pestilence,
   and because of man-made causes such as war or misguided economic
   policies. During the 20th century, an estimated 70 million people died
   from famines across the world, of whom fully 30 million died during the
   famine of 1958-61 in China. The other most terrible famines of the
   century included the 1942-1945 disaster in Bengal, famines in China in
   1928 and 1942, and a sequence of man-made famines in the Soviet Union,
   including the Holodomor, Stalin's famine inflicted on the Ukraine in
   the 1930s. The last great famines of the 20th century were the disaster
   in Cambodia in the 1970s, the Ethiopian famine of 1983-85 and the North
   Korean famine of the 1990s.

   The conventional wisdom that attributed famine to a
   geographically-defined food shortage gave way in the 1980s to a more
   sophisticated view of famine as a failure of the poor to command
   sufficient resources to purchase essential food (the "entitlement
   theory" of Amartya Sen), analyses of famine that focused on the
   political-economic processes driving the creation of famine, an
   understanding of the complex reasons for mortality in famines, an
   appreciation of the extent to which famine-vulnerable communities have
   well-developed strategies for coping with the threat of famine, and the
   role of warfare in creating famine. Modern relief agencies categorize
   various gradations of famine according to a famine scale.

   Many areas that suffered famines in the past have protected themselves
   through technological and social development. The first area in Europe
   to eliminate famine was the Netherlands, which saw its last peacetime
   famines in the early-17th century as it became a major economic power
   and established a complex political organization. Noting that most
   famines occur under dictatorship, colonial rule or during war, Amartya
   Sen has posited that no functioning democracy has suffered a famine in
   modern times.

Characteristics of famine

Famine today

   Today, famine strikes Sub-Saharan African countries the hardest, but
   with ongoing wars, internal struggles, and economic failure, famine
   continues to be a worldwide problem with millions of individuals
   suffering. While these famines cause widespread malnutrition and
   impoverishment, no modern African famine (save Ethiopia in the 1980s)
   has come close to equalling the immense death tolls of the worst Asian
   famines of the 20th century. Modern African famines are characterised
   by widespread destitution and malnutrition, with heightened mortality
   confined to young children. Relief technologies including immunization,
   improved public health infrastructure, general food rations and
   supplementary feeding for vulnerable children, has blunted the
   mortality impacts of famines, while leaving their economic causes and
   consequences unchanged. Humanitarian crises also arise from civil wars,
   refugee flows and episodes of extreme violence and state collapse,
   creating famine conditions among the affected populations.

   Despite repeated promises by the world's leaders to end hunger and
   famine, famine remains a chronic threat in much of Africa. In July
   2005, the Famine Early Warning Systems Network labelled Niger with
   emergency status , as well as Chad, Ethiopia, South Sudan, Somalia and
   Zimbabwe. In January 2006, the United Nations Food and Agriculture
   Organization warned that 11 million people in Somalia, Kenya, Djibouti
   and Ethiopia were in danger of starvation due to the combination of
   severe drought and military conflicts. In 2006, the most serious
   humanitarian crisis in Africa is in Sudan's region Darfur.

   Many believe that the Green Revolution is still the answer to famine.
   The Green Revolution began in the 20th century with hybrid strains of
   high-yielding crops. Not only does this contribute to a larger amount
   of the crop, but it can also stabilize production. Some criticize the
   process, stating that these new high-yielding crops require more
   chemical fertilizers and pesticides, which can harm the environment.
   However, it may be an option for developing nations suffering from
   famine, and these crops can be bred as to adapt to the conditions of
   the country. These high-yielding crops make it technically possible to
   feed the world and eliminate famine. They can be developed to provide
   optimal nutrition, and a well-nourished, well-developed population
   would emerge. Some say that the problems of famine and ill-nourishment
   are the results of ethical dilemmas over using the technologies we
   have, as well as cultural and class differences.

   Frances Moore Lappé, later co-founder of the Institute for Food and
   Development Policy (Food First) argued in Diet for a Small Planet
   (1971) that vegetarian diets can provide food for larger populations,
   with the same resources, compared to omnivorous diets.

   Noting that modern famines are invariably the outcome of misguided
   economic policies, political design to impoverish or marginalize
   certain populations, or deliberate acts of war, political economists
   have investigated the political conditions under which famine is
   prevented. Amartya Sen states that the liberal institutions that exist
   in India, including competitive elections and a free press, have played
   a major role in preventing famine in that country since independence.
   Alex de Waal has developed this theory to focus on the "political
   contract" between rulers and people that ensures famine prevention,
   noting the rarity of such political contracts in Africa, and the danger
   that international relief agencies will undermine such contracts
   through removing the locus of accountability for famines from national
   governments.

Causes of famine

   Modern famines have often occurred in nations that, as a whole, were
   not initially suffering a shortage of food. The largest famine ever
   (proportional to the affected population) was the Irish Potato Famine,
   which began in 1845 and occurred as food was being shipped from Ireland
   to England because the English could afford to pay higher prices. The
   largest famine ever (in absolute terms) was the Chinese famine of
   '59-'60 that occurred as a result of the Great Leap Forward. In a
   similar manner, the 1973 famine in Ethiopia was concentrated in the
   Wollo region, although food was being shipped out of Wollo to the
   capital city of Addis Ababa where it could command higher prices. In
   contrast, at the same time that the citizens of the dictatorships of
   Ethiopia and Sudan had massive famines in the late-1970s and
   early-1980s, the democracies of Botswana and Zimbabwe avoided them,
   despite having worse drops in national food production. This was
   possible through the simple step of creating short-term employment for
   the worst-affected groups, thus ensuring a minimal amount of income to
   buy food, for the duration of the localized food disruption and was
   taken under criticism from opposition political parties and intense
   media coverage.

   Because herding and agriculture allow for greater population, both in
   numbers and in density, the failure of a harvest or the change in
   conditions, such as drought, can create a situation whereby large
   numbers of people live where the carrying capacity of the land has
   dropped radically. Famine is then associated primarily with subsistence
   agriculture, that is, where most farming is aimed at producing enough
   food energy to survive. The total absence of agriculture in an
   economically-strong area does not cause famine; Arizona and other
   wealthy regions import the vast majority of their food.

   Disasters, whether natural or man-made, have been associated with
   conditions of famine ever since humankind has been keeping written
   records. The Torah describes how "seven lean years" consumed the seven
   fat years, and " plagues of locusts" could eat all of the available
   food stuffs. War, in particular, was associated with famine,
   particularly in those times and places where warfare included attacks
   on land, by burning fields, or on those who tilled the soil.

   The demographic impacts of famine are sharp, if often short-lasting.
   Mortality is concentrated among children and the elderly. A consistent
   demographic fact is that in all recorded famines, male mortality
   exceeds female, even in those populations (such as northern India and
   Pakistan) where there is a normal times male longevity advantage.
   Reasons for this may include greater female resilience under the
   pressure of malnutrition, and the fact that women are more skilled at
   gathering and processing wild foods and other fall-back famine foods.
   Famine is also accompanied by lower fertility. Famines therefore leave
   the reproductive core of a population--adult women--relatively
   untouched compared to other population categories, and post-famine
   periods are often characterized a "rebound" with increased births. Even
   though the theories of Thomas Malthus would predict that famines reduce
   the size of the population commensurate with available food resources,
   in fact even the most severe famines have rarely dented population
   growth for more than a few years. The mortality in China in 1958-61,
   Bengal in 1943, and Ethiopia in 1983-5 was all made up by a growing
   population over just a few years. Of greater long-term demographic
   impact is emigration: Ireland was chiefly depopulated after the 1840s
   famines by waves of emigration.

   As observed by the economist Amartya Sen, famine is usually a problem
   of food distribution and poverty, rather than an absolute lack of food.
   In many cases, such as the Great Leap Forward, North Korea in the
   mid-1990s, or Zimbabwe in the early-2000s, famine can be caused as an
   unintentional result of government policy. Famine is sometimes used as
   a tool of repressive governments as a means to eliminate opponents, as
   in the Ukrainian famine of the 1930s. In other cases, such as Somalia,
   famine is a consequence of civil disorder as food distribution systems
   break down.

   There are a number of ongoing famines caused by war or deliberate
   political intervention.

   Today, nitrogen fertilizers, new pesticides, desert farming, and other
   agricultural technologies are being used as weapons against famine.
   These can increase crop yields by two, three, or more times. Developed
   nations occasionally share these technologies with developing nations
   with a famine problem, although there are often ideological arguments
   presented by environmentalists against doing so. This is often
   attributed to an association of inorganic fertilizers and pesticides
   with a lack of sustainability. In any case, these technological
   advances might not be influential in those famines which are the result
   of war. Similarly so, increased yield may not be helpful with certain
   distribution problems, especially those arising from political
   intervention.

Levels of food insecurity

   In modern times, governments and non-governmental organizations that
   deliver famine relief have limited resources with which to address the
   multiple situations of food insecurity that are occurring
   simultaneously. Various methods of categorizing the gradations of food
   security have thus been used in order to most efficiently allocate food
   relief. One of the earliest were the Indian Famine Codes devised by the
   British in the 1880s. The Codes listed three stages of food insecurity:
   near-scarcity, scarcity and famine, and were highly influential in the
   creation of subsequent famine warning or measurement systems. The early
   warning system developed to monitor the region inhabited by the Turkana
   people in northern Kenya also has three levels, but links each stage to
   a pre-planned response to mitigate the crisis and prevent its
   deterioration.

   The experiences of famine relief organizations throughout the world
   over the 1980s and 1990s resulted in at least two major developments:
   the "livelihoods approach" and the increased use of nutrition
   indicators to determine the severity of a crisis. Famine does not begin
   to kill people until it destroys livelihoods. Individuals and groups in
   food stressful situations will attempt to cope by rationing
   consumption, finding alternative means to supplement income, etc.
   before taking desperate measures, such as selling off plots of
   agricultural land. Only when all means of self-support are exhausted
   does the affected population begin to migrate in search of food and
   fall victim to outright starvation. Famine may thus be seen as a social
   phenomenon, involving markets, the price of food, and social support
   structures. A second lesson drawn was the increased use of rapid
   nutrition assessments, in particular of children, to give a
   quantitative measure of the famine's severity.

   Since 2004, many of the most important organizations in famine relief,
   such as the World Food Programme and the U.S. Agency for International
   Development, have adopted a five-level scale measuring intensity and
   magnitude. The intensity scale uses both livelihoods' measures and
   measurements of mortality and child malnutrition to categorize a
   situation as food secure, food insecure, food crisis, famine, severe
   famine, and extreme famine. The number of deaths determines the
   magnitude designation, with under 1000 fatalities defining a "minor
   famine" and a "catastrophic famine" resulting in over 1,000,000 deaths.

Historical famine, by region

Famine in Africa

   In the mid-22nd century BC, a sudden and short-lived climatic change
   that caused reduced rainfall resulted in several decades of drought in
   Upper Egypt. The resulting famine and civil strife is believed to have
   been a major cause of the collapse of the Old Kingdom. An account from
   the First Intermediate Period states, "All of Upper Egypt was dying of
   hunger and people were eating their children." ( ) Historians of
   African famine have documented repeated famines in Ethiopia and have
   explored the traditional mechanisms adopted by African societies to
   minimize risk and to provide food to the most vulnerable in times of
   crisis.

   The colonial encounter saw Africa suffering numerous and widespread
   famines. Possibly the worst episode occurred in 1888 and succeeding
   years, as the epizootic rinderpest, introduced into Eritrea by infected
   cattle, spread southwards reaching ultimately as far as South Africa.
   In Ethiopia it was estimated that as much as 90% of the national herd
   died, rendering rich farmers and herders destitute overnight. This
   coincided with drought associated with an el Nino oscillation, human
   epidemics of smallpox, and in several countries, intense war. In Sudan
   the year 1888 is remembered as the worst famine in history, on account
   of these factors and also the exactions imposed by the Mahdist state.
   Colonial "pacification" efforts often caused severe famine, as for
   example with the repression of the Maji Maji revolt in Tanganyika in
   1906. The introduction of cash crops such as cotton, and forcible
   measures to impel farmers to grow these crops, also impoverished the
   peasantry in many areas, such as northern Nigeria, contributing to
   greater vulnerability to famine when severe drought struck in 1913.

   However, for the middle part of the 20th century, agriculturalists,
   economists and geographers did not consider Africa to be famine prone
   (they were much more concerned about Asia). There were notable
   counter-examples, such as the famine in Rwanda during World War II and
   the Malawi famine of 1949, but most famines were localized and brief
   food shortages. The specter of famine recurred only in the early 1970s,
   when Ethiopia and the west African Sahel suffered drought and famine.
   The Ethiopian famine of that time was closely linked to the crisis of
   feudalism in that country, and in due course helped to bring about the
   downfall of the Emperor Haile Selassie. The Sahelian famine was
   associated with the slowly-growing crisis of pastoralism in Africa,
   which has seen livestock herding decline as a viable way of life over
   the last two generations.

   Since then, African famines have become more frequent, more widespread
   and more severe. Many African countries are not self-sufficient in food
   production, relying on income from cash crops to import food.
   Agriculture in Africa is susceptible to climatic fluctuations,
   especially droughts which can reduce the amount of food produced
   locally. Other agricultural problems include soil infertility, land
   degradation and erosion, and swarms of desert locusts which can destroy
   whole crops and livestock diseases. The most serious famines have been
   caused by a combination of drought, misguided economic policies, and
   conflict. The 1983-85 famine in Ethiopia, for example, was the outcome
   of all these three factors, made worse by the Communist government's
   censorship of the emerging crisis. In Sudan at the same date, drought
   and economic crisis combined with denials of any food shortage by the
   then-government of President Gaafar Nimeiry, to create a crisis that
   killed perhaps 250,000 people--and helped bring about a popular
   uprising that overthrew Nimeiry.

   Numerous factors make the food security situation in Africa tenuous,
   including political instability, armed conflict and civil war,
   corruption and mismanagement in handling food supplies, and trade
   policies that harm African agriculture. An example of a famine created
   by human rights abuses is the 1998 Sudan famine. AIDS is also having
   long-term economic effects on agriculture by reducing the available
   workforce, and is creating new vulnerabilities to famine by
   overburdening poor households. On the other hand, in the modern history
   of Africa on quite a few occasions famines acted as a major source of
   acute political instability.

   Recent examples include Ethiopia in 1973 and mid-1980s, Sudan in the
   late-1970s and again in 1990 and 1998. The 1980 famine in Karamoja,
   Uganda was, in terms of mortality rates, one of the worst in history.
   21% of the population died, including 60% of the infants.

Famine in Asia

China

   China's Qing Dynasty bureaucracy, which devoted extensive attention to
   minimizing famines, is credited with averting a series of famines
   following El Niño-Southern Oscillation-linked droughts and floods.
   These events are comparable, though somewhat smaller in scale, to the
   ecological trigger events of China's vast 19th Century famines.
   (Pierre=Etienne Will, Bureaucracy and Famine) Qing China carried out
   its relief efforts, which included vast shipments of food, a
   requirement that the rich open their storehouses to the poor, and price
   regulation, as part of a state guarantee of subsistence to the
   peasantry (known as ming-sheng).

   When a stressed monarchy shifted from state management and direct
   shipments of grain to monetary charity in the mid-nineteenth century,
   the system broke down. Thus the 1867-68 famine under the Tongzhi
   Restoration was successfully relieved but the 1877-78 famine, caused by
   drought across northern China, was a vast catastrophe. The province of
   Shanxi was substantially depopulated as grains ran out, and desperately
   starving people stripped forests, fields, and their very houses for
   food. Estimated mortality is 9.5 to 13 million people.( Mike Davis,
   Late Victorian Holocausts)

Great Leap Foward

   The largest famine of the 20th century, and almost certainly of all
   time, was the 1958-61 Great Leap Forward famine in China. The immediate
   causes of this famine lay in Chairman Mao Zedong's ill-fated attempt to
   transform China from an agricultural nation to an industrial power in
   one huge leap. In pursuit of this vision, Communist Party cadres across
   China insisted that peasants abandon their farms for collective farms,
   and begin to produce steel in small foundries, often melting down their
   farm instruments in the process. Collectivization undermined incentives
   for the investment of labor and resources in agriculture; unrealistic
   plans for decentralized metal production sapped needed labor;
   unfavorable weather conditions; and communal dining halls encouraged
   overconsumption of available food (see Chang, G, and Wen, G (1997), "
   Communal dining and the Chinese Famine 1958-1961" ). Such was the
   centralized control of information and the intense pressure on party
   cadres to report only good news--such as production quotas met or
   exceeded--that information about the escalating disaster was
   effectively suppressed. When the leadership did become aware of the
   scale of the famine, it did little to respond, and continued to ban any
   discussion of the cataclysm. This blanket suppression of news was so
   effective that very few Chinese citizens were aware of the scale of the
   famine, and the greatest peacetime demographic disaster of the 20th
   century only became widely known twenty years later, when the veil of
   censorship began to lift.

   The 1958-61 famine is estimated to have caused excess mortality of
   about 30 million, with a further 30 million cancelled or delayed
   births. It was only when the famine had wrought its worst that Mao
   reversed the agricultural collectivization policies, which were
   effectively dismantled in 1978. China has not experienced a major
   famine since 1961 (Woo-Cummings, 2002).

India

   There were 14 famines in India between 11th and 17th century (Bhatia,
   1985). B.M. Bhatia believes that the earlier famines were localised,
   and it was only after 1860, during the British rule, that famine came
   to signify general shortage of foodgrains in the country. There were
   approximately 25 major famines spread through states such as Tamil Nadu
   in the south, and Bihar and Bengal in the east during the latter half
   of the 19th century, killing between 30 and 40 million Indians.

   Some claim the famines were a product of both uneven rainfall and
   British economic and administrative policies, which since 1857 had led
   to the seizure and conversion of local farmland to foreign-owned
   plantations, restrictions on internal trade, heavy taxation of Indian
   citizens to support unsuccessful British expeditions in Afghanistan
   (see The Second Anglo-Afghan War), inflationary measures that increased
   the price of food, and substantial exports of staple crops from India
   to Britain. (Dutt, 1900 and 1902; Srivastava, 1968; Sen, 1982; Bhatia,
   1985.) Some British citizens, such as William Digby, agitated for
   policy reforms and famine relief, but Lord Lytton, the governing
   British viceroy in India, opposed such changes in the belief that they
   would stimulate shirking by Indian workers. The first, the Bengal
   famine of 1770, is estimated to have taken around 10 million lives -
   nearly one-third of Bengal's population at the time. The famines
   continued until independence in 1947, with the Bengal Famine of 1943-44
   - among the most devastating - killing 3 million to 4 million Indians
   during World War II.

   The observations of the Famine Commission of 1880 support the notion
   that food distribution is more to blame for famines than food scarcity.
   They observed that each province in British India, including Burma, had
   a surplus of foodgrains, and the annual surplus was 5.16 million tons
   (Bhatia, 1970). At that time, annual export of rice and other grains
   from India was approximately one million tons.

   In 1966, there was a close call in Bihar, when the United States
   allocated 900,000 tons of grain to fight the famine.

North Korea

   Famine struck North Korea in the mid-1990s, set off by unprecedented
   floods. This autarkic urban, industrial society had achieved food
   self-sufficiency in prior decades through a massive industrialization
   of agriculture. However, the economic system relied on massive
   concessionary inputs of fossil fuels, primarily from the Soviet Union
   and the People's Republic of China. When the Soviet collapse and
   China's marketization switched trade to a hard currency, full price
   basis, North Korea's economy collapsed. The vulnerable agricultural
   sector experienced a massive failure in 1995-96, expanding to
   full-fledged famine by 1997-99. Hundreds of thousands if not millions
   died of starvation (estimates range from 200,000 to 3.5 million). North
   Korea has not yet resumed its food self-sufficiency and relies on
   external food aid from China, Japan, South Korea and the United States.
   Recently, North Korea requested that food supplies are no-longer
   delivered. (Woo-Cummings, 2002)

Vietnam

   Various famines have occurred in Vietnam. Japanese occupation during
   World War II caused the Vietnamese Famine of 1945, which caused 2
   million deaths. Following the unification of the country after the
   Vietnam War, Vietnam briefly experienced a famine in the 1980s, which
   prompted many people to flee the country.

Famine in Europe

Western Europe

   The Great Famine of 1315-1317 (or to 1322) was the first crisis that
   would strike Europe in the 14th century, millions in northern Europe
   would die over an extended number of years, marking a clear end to the
   earlier period of growth and prosperity during the 11th and 12th
   centuries. Starting with bad weather in the spring of 1315, universal
   crop failures lasted until the summer of 1317, from which Europe did
   not fully recover until 1322. It was a period marked by extreme levels
   of criminal activity, disease and mass death, infanticide, and
   cannibalism. It had consequences for Church, State, European society
   and future calamities to follow in the 14th century.

   The seventeenth century was a period of change for the food producers
   of Europe. For centuries they had lived primarily as subsistence
   farmers in a feudal system. They had obligations to their lords, who
   had suzerainty over the land tilled by their peasants. The lord of a
   fief would take a portion of the crops and livestock produced during
   the year. Peasants generally tried to minimize the amount of work they
   had to put into agricultural food production. Their lords rarely
   pressured them to increase their food output, except when the
   population started to increase, at which time the peasants were likely
   to increase the production themselves. More land would be added to
   cultivation until there was no more available and the peasants were
   forced to take up more labour-intensive methods of production.
   Nonetheless, they generally tried to work as little as possible,
   valuing their time to do other things, such as hunting, fishing or
   relaxing, as long as they had enough food to feed their families. It
   was not in their interest to produce more than they could eat or store
   themselves.

   During the seventeenth century, continuing the trend of previous
   centuries, there was an increase in market-driven agriculture. Farmers,
   people who rented land in order to make a profit off of the product of
   the land, employing wage labour, became increasingly common,
   particularly in western Europe. It was in their interest to produce as
   much as possible on their land in order to sell it to areas that
   demanded that product. They produced guaranteed surpluses of their crop
   every year if they could. Farmers paid their labourers in money,
   increasing the commercialization of rural society. This
   commercialization had a profound impact on the behaviour of peasants.
   Farmers were interested in increasing labour input into their lands,
   not decreasing it as subsistence peasants were.

   Subsistence peasants were also increasingly forced to commercialize
   their activities because of increasing taxes. Taxes that had to be paid
   to central governments in money forced the peasants to produce crops to
   sell. Sometimes they produced industrial crops, but they would find
   ways to increase their production in order to meet both their
   subsistence requirements as well as their tax obligations. Peasants
   also used the new money to purchase manufactured goods. The
   agricultural and social developments encouraging increased food
   production were gradually taking place throughout the sixteenth
   century, but were spurred on more directly by the adverse conditions
   for food production that Europe found itself in the early seventeenth
   century - there was a general cooling trend in the Earth's temperature
   starting at the beginning end of the sixteenth century.

   The 1590s saw the worst famines in centuries across all of Europe,
   except in certain areas, notably the Netherlands. Famine had been
   relatively rare during the sixteenth century. The economy and
   population had grown steadily as subsistence populations tend to when
   there is an extended period of relative peace (most of the time).
   Subsistence peasant populations will almost always increase when
   possible since the peasants will try to spread the work to as many
   hands as possible. Although peasants in areas of high population
   density, such as northern Italy, had learned to increase the yields of
   their lands through techniques such as promiscuous culture, they were
   still quite vulnerable to famines, forcing them to work their land even
   more intensively.

   Famine is a very destabilizing and devastating occurrence. The prospect
   of starvation led people to take desperate measures. When scarcity of
   food became apparent to peasants, they would sacrifice long-term
   prosperity for short-term survival. They would kill their draught
   animals, leading to lowered production in subsequent years. They would
   eat their seed corn, sacrificing next year's crop in the hope that more
   seed could be found. Once those means had been exhausted, they would
   take to the road in search of food. They migrated to the cities where
   merchants from other areas would be more likely to sell their food, as
   cities had a stronger purchasing power than did rural areas. Cities
   also administered relief programs and bought grain for their
   populations so that they could keep order. With the confusion and
   desperation of the migrants, crime would often follow them. Many
   peasants resorted to banditry in order to acquire enough to eat.

   One famine would often lead to difficulties in following years because
   of lack of seed stock or disruption of routine, or perhaps because of
   less-available labour. Famines were often interpreted as signs of God's
   displeasure. They were seen as the removal, by God, of his gifts to the
   people of the Earth. Elaborate religious processions and rituals were
   made to prevent God's wrath in the form of famine.

   The great famine of the 1590s began the period of famine and decline in
   the seventeenth century. The price of grain, all over Europe was high,
   as was the population. Various types of people were vulnerable to the
   succession of bad harvests that occurred throughout the 1590s in
   different regions. The increasing number of wage labourers in the
   countryside were vulnerable because they had no food of their own, and
   their meager living was not enough to purchase the expensive grain of a
   bad-crop year. Town labourers were also at risk because their wages
   would be insufficient to cover the cost of grain, and, to make matters
   worse, they often received less money in bad-crop years since the
   disposable income of the wealthy was spent on grain. Often,
   unemployment would be the result of the increase in grain prices,
   leading to ever-increasing numbers of urban poor.

   All areas of Europe were badly affected by the famine in these periods,
   especially rural areas. The Netherlands was able to escape most of the
   damaging effects of the famine, though the 1590s were still difficult
   years there. Actual famine did not occur, for the Amsterdam grain trade
   [with the Baltic] guaranteed that there would always be something to
   eat in the Netherlands although hunger was prevalent.

   The Netherlands had the most commercialized agriculture in all of
   Europe at this time, growing many industrial crops, such as flax, hemp,
   and hops. Agriculture became increasingly specialized and efficient. As
   a result, productivity and wealth increased, allowing the Netherlands
   to maintain a steady food supply. By the 1620s, the economy was even
   more developed, so the country was able to avoid the hardships of that
   period of famine with even greater impunity.

   The years around 1620 saw another period of famines sweep across
   Europe. These famines were generally less severe than the famines of
   twenty-five years earlier, but they were nonetheless quite serious in
   many areas. Perhaps the worst famine since 1600, the great famine in
   Finland in 1696, killed a third of the population.

   The period of 1740- 43 saw frigid winters and summer droughts which led
   to famine across Europe leading to a major spike in mortality.(cited in
   Davis, Late Victorian Holocausts, 281)

   Other areas of Europe have known famines much more recently. France saw
   famines as recently as the nineteenth century. Famine still occurred in
   eastern Europe during the 20th century.
   Depiction of victims of the Irish Potato Famine (1845-1849)
   Enlarge
   Depiction of victims of the Irish Potato Famine (1845-1849)

   The frequency of famine can vary with climate changes. For example,
   during the little ice age of the 15th century to the 18th century,
   European famines grew more frequent than they had been during previous
   centuries.

   Because of the frequency of famine in many societies, it has long been
   a chief concern of governments and other authorities. In pre-industrial
   Europe, preventing famine, and ensuring timely food supplies, was one
   of the chief concerns of many governments, which employed various tools
   to alleviate famines, including price controls, purchasing stockpiles
   of food from other areas, rationing, and regulation of production. Most
   governments were concerned by famine because it could lead to revolt
   and other forms of social disruption.

   In contrast, the Irish Potato Famine (1845-1849) was in no small part
   the result of policies of the Whig government of the United Kingdom
   under Lord Russell. Unlike a government facing revolt at home, the
   London-based government stood by its commitment to laissez-faire
   economics, even in the face of massive starvation in Ireland.

   Famine returned to the Netherlands during World War II, in what was
   known as the Hongerwinter, it was the last famine of Europe,
   approximately 30,000 people died of starvation.

Italy

   The harvest failures were devastating for the northern Italian economy.
   The economy of the area had recovered well from the previous famines,
   but the famines from 1618 to 1621 coincided because of a period of war
   in the area. The economy did not recover fully for centuries. There
   were serious famines in the late- 1640s and less severe ones in the
   1670s throughout northern Italy.

England

   From 1536 England began legislating Poor Laws which put a legal
   responsibility on the rich, at a parish level, to maintain the poor of
   that parish. English agriculture lagged behind the Netherlands, but by
   1650 their agricultural industry was commercialized on a wide scale.
   The last peace-time famine in England was in 1623-24. There were still
   periods of hunger, as in the Netherlands, but there were no more
   famines as such. Rising population levels continued to put a strain on
   food security, despite potatoes becoming increasingly important in the
   diet of the poor. On balance, potatoes increased food security in
   England where they never replaced bread as the staple of the poor.
   Climate conditions were never likely to simultaeneously be
   catatstrophic for both the wheat and potato crops.

Iceland

   In 1783 the volcano Laki in south-central Iceland erupted. The lava
   caused little direct damage, but ash and sulfur dioxide spewed out over
   most of the country, causing three-quarters of the island's livestock
   to perish. In the following famine, around ten thousand people died,
   one-fifth of the population of Iceland. [Asimov, 1984, 152-153]

Russia and USSR

   Droughts and famines in Imperial Russia are known to have happened
   every 10 to 13 years, with average droughts happening every 5 to 7
   years. Famines continued in the Soviet era, the most famous one being
   the Holodomor in Ukraine (1932-1933) which also involved a significant
   part of the population of Russia. The last major famine in the USSR
   happened in 1947 due to the severe drought.
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