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British House of Commons

2007 Schools Wikipedia Selection. Related subjects: Politics and government

   The House of Commons is the lower house of the Parliament of the United
   Kingdom. Parliament also includes the Sovereign and the upper house,
   the House of Lords; the House of Commons is the dominant branch. The
   House of Commons is a democratically elected body, consisting of 646
   members, who are known as " Members of Parliament" or MPs. Members are
   elected by the first-past-the-post system of election, holding office
   until Parliament is dissolved (a maximum of five years). Each member is
   elected by, and represents, an electoral district known as a
   constituency. The House of Commons is the source of the vast majority
   of government ministers and every Prime Minister since 1902, with the
   very brief exception of Sir Alec Douglas-Home in 1963, has been drawn
   from it (Home did actually rule from the House of Commons, however,
   taking a seat in the House shortly after being chosen as Prime
   Minister).

   The House of Commons evolved at some point during the 14th century and
   has been in continuous existence since. The House of Commons (the
   "lower house") was once far less powerful than the House of Lords (the
   "upper house"), but is now by far the dominant branch of Parliament.
   The House of Commons' legislative powers exceed those of the House of
   Lords; under the Parliament Act 1911, the Lords' power to reject most
   bills was reduced to a mere delaying power. Moreover, the Government of
   the United Kingdom is answerable to the House of Commons; the Prime
   Minister stays in office only as long as he or she retains the support
   of the lower house.

   The full, formal style and title of the House of Commons is The
   Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
   Northern Ireland in Parliament assembled. The term "Commons" derives
   from the Norman French word communes, referring to the geographic and
   collective communities of their representatives. It is often
   misunderstood that "Commons" comes from the word "commoners", referring
   to those sitting in the House, similar to the way in which the name
   "House of Lords" indicates that those sitting in the " Other Place" are
   elevated to the Peerage. This explanation, however, is ahistorical.
   Both Houses, the Commons and Lords, meet in the Palace of Westminster.
   Both Houses have in the past met elsewhere, and retain the right to do
   so, provided the Mace is present.

   The information resource of the House is the House of Commons Library.

History

   Parliament developed from the council that advised the monarch during
   mediæval times. This royal council, meeting for short-term periods,
   included ecclesiastics, noblemen, as well as representatives of the
   counties (known as " knights of the shire"). The chief duty of the
   council was to approve taxes proposed by the Crown. In many cases,
   however, the council demanded the redress of the people's grievances
   before proceeding to vote on taxation. Thus, it developed legislative
   powers.

   In the " Model Parliament" of 1295, representatives of the boroughs
   (including towns and cities) were also admitted. Thus, it became
   settled practice that each county send two knights of the shire, and
   that each borough send two burgesses. At first, the burgesses were
   almost entirely powerless; whilst county representation was fixed, the
   monarch could enfranchise or disfranchise boroughs at pleasure. Any
   show of independence by burgesses would have led to the exclusion of
   their towns from Parliament. The knights of the shire were in a better
   position, though less powerful than their aristocratic counterparts in
   the still unicameral Parliament. The division of Parliament into two
   houses occurred during the reign of Edward III: the knights and
   burgesses formed the House of Commons, whilst the clergy and nobility
   became the House of Lords.

   Though they remained subordinate to both the Crown and the Lords, the
   Commons did act with increasing boldness. During the Good Parliament
   (1376), the Speaker of the House of Commons, Sir Peter de la Mare,
   complained of heavy taxes, demanded an accounting of the royal
   expenditures, and criticised the King's management of the military. The
   Commons even proceeded to impeach some of the King's ministers. The
   bold Speaker was imprisoned, but was soon released after the death of
   King Edward III. During the reign of the next monarch, Richard II, the
   Commons once again began to impeach errant ministers of the Crown. They
   insisted that they could not only control taxation, but also public
   expenditures. Despite such gains in authority, however, the Commons
   still remained much less powerful than the House of Lords and the
   Crown.

   The influence of the Crown was further increased by the civil wars of
   the late fifteenth century, which destroyed the power of the great
   nobles. Both houses of Parliament held little power during the ensuing
   years, and the absolute supremacy of the Sovereign was restored. The
   domination of the monarch grew even further under the Tudor dynasty in
   the sixteenth century. This trend, however, was somewhat reversed when
   the House of Stuart came to the English Throne in 1603. The first two
   Stuart monarchs, James I and Charles I, provoked conflicts with the
   Commons over issues such as taxation, religion, and royal powers.

   The bitter differences between Charles I and Parliament were great, and
   were settled only by the English Civil War. The King was beheaded, and
   the monarchy and Upper House abolished, in 1649. Although the Commons
   were in theory supreme, the nation was truly under the control of a
   military dictator, Oliver Cromwell, who eventually abolished Parliament
   in 1653. However, the monarchy and the House of Lords were both
   restored along with the Commons in 1660, soon after Cromwell's death.
   The influence of the Crown had been lessened, and was further
   diminished when James II was deposed in the course of the Glorious
   Revolution (1688).
   The House of Commons in the early 19th century.
   Enlarge
   The House of Commons in the early 19th century.

   The eighteenth century was notable in that it was marked by the
   development of the office of Prime Minister. The modern notion that the
   Government may remain in power only as long as it retains the support
   of Parliament soon became established, leading to history's first-ever
   motion of no confidence, as a result of the failure of Lord North's
   government to end the American Revolution. The modern notion that only
   the support of the House of Commons is necessary, however, was of much
   later development. Similarly, the custom that the Prime Minister is
   always a Member of the Lower House, rather than the Upper one, did not
   evolve immediately.

   The House of Commons experienced an important period of reform during
   the nineteenth century. The Crown had made use of its prerogative of
   enfranchising and disenfranchising boroughs very irregularly, and
   several anomalies had developed in borough representation. Many towns
   that were once important but had become inconsiderable by the
   nineteenth century retained their ancient right of electing two Members
   each. The most notorious of these " rotten boroughs" was Old Sarum,
   which had only eleven voters; at the same time, large cities such as
   Manchester received no separate representation, although their eligible
   residents were able to vote in the corresponding county seat—in the
   case of Manchester, Lancashire. Also notable were the pocket boroughs,
   small constituencies controlled by wealthy landowners and aristocrats,
   whose "nominees" were invariably elected by the voters.

   The Commons attempted to address these anomalies by passing a Reform
   Bill in 1831. At first, the House of Lords proved unwilling to pass the
   bill, but were forced to relent when the Prime Minister, Charles Grey,
   2nd Earl Grey, advised King William IV to flood the House of Lords with
   several pro-Reform peers. Before the King could take such an action,
   the Lords passed the bill in 1832. The Reform Act 1832, also known as
   the "Great Reform Act," abolished the rotten boroughs, established
   uniform voting requirements for the boroughs, and granted
   representation to populous cities, but also retained many pocket
   boroughs. In the ensuing years, the Commons grew more assertive, the
   influence of the House of Lords having been damaged by the Reform Bill
   Crisis, and the power of the patrons of pocket boroughs having been
   diminished. The Lords became more reluctant to reject bills that the
   Commons passed with large majorities, and it became an accepted
   political principle that the support of the House of Commons alone was
   necessary for a Prime Minister to remain in office.

   Many further reforms were introduced during the latter half of the
   nineteenth century. The Reform Act 1867 lowered property requirements
   for voting in the boroughs, reduced the representation of the less
   populous boroughs, and granted parliamentary seats to several growing
   industrial towns. The electorate was further expanded by the
   Representation of the People Act 1884, under which property
   qualifications in the counties were lowered. The Redistribution of
   Seats Act of the following year replaced almost all multi-member
   constituencies with single-member constituencies.
   The old Chamber of the House of Commons built by Sir Charles Barry was
   destroyed by German bombs during the Second World War. The essential
   features of Barry's design were preserved when the Chamber was rebuilt.
   Enlarge
   The old Chamber of the House of Commons built by Sir Charles Barry was
   destroyed by German bombs during the Second World War. The essential
   features of Barry's design were preserved when the Chamber was rebuilt.

   The next important phase in the history of the House of Commons came
   during the early twentieth century. In 1908, the Liberal Government
   under Herbert Henry Asquith introduced a number of social welfare
   programmes, which, together with an expensive arms race with Germany,
   had forced the Government to seek more funding in the form of tax
   increases. In 1909, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, David Lloyd
   George, introduced the "People's Budget", which proposed a new tax
   targeting wealthy landowners. The unpopular measure, however, failed in
   the heavily Conservative House of Lords. Having made the powers of the
   House of Lords a primary campaign issue, the Liberals were re-elected
   in January 1910. Asquith then proposed that the powers of the House of
   Lords be severely curtailed. Proceedings on the bill were briefly
   interrupted by the death of King Edward VII, but were soon recommenced
   under the new monarch, George V. After the election in December 1910
   the Asquith Government secured the passage of a bill to curtail the
   powers of the House of Lords. The Prime Minister proposed, and the King
   agreed, that the House of Lords could be flooded by the creation of 500
   new Liberal peers if it failed to pass the bill. (This was the same
   device used earlier to force the Upper House to consent to the passage
   of the Reform Act 1832.) The Parliament Act 1911 came into effect,
   destroying the legislative equality of the two Houses of Parliament.
   The House of Lords was permitted only to delay most legislation, for a
   maximum of three parliamentary sessions or two calendar years (reduced
   to two sessions or one year by the Parliament Act 1949). Since the
   passage of these Acts, the House of Commons has remained the dominant
   branch of Parliament, both in theory and in practice.

   Since the 17th century, MPs had been unpaid. Most of the men elected to
   the Commons had private incomes, while a few relied on financial
   support from a wealthy patron. Early Labour MPs were often provided
   with a salary by a trade union, but this was declared illegal by a
   House of Lords judgement of 1910. Consequently a clause was included in
   the Parliament Act 1911 introducing salaries for MPs. It should be
   noted, however, that government ministers had always been paid.

Members and elections

   Each Member of Parliament represents a single constituency. Prior to
   the reforms of the 19th century, the constituencies had little basis in
   population: the counties and the boroughs (whose boundaries were fixed)
   were, for the most part, represented by two Members each. Reforms
   enacted during the 19th century, starting with the Reform Act 1832, led
   to a more even distribution of seats. Moreover, the reforms of 1885
   abolished most two-member constituencies; the few that remained were
   all abolished in 1948. University constituencies (the constituencies
   that allowed important universities such as Oxford, Cambridge and the
   ancient universities of Scotland to be represented in Parliament) were
   abolished in the same year. Thus, each constituency now elects only one
   Member of Parliament. There is still a technical distinction between
   county constituencies and borough constituencies, but the only effect
   of this difference involves the amount of money candidates are allowed
   to spend during campaigns.

   The boundaries of the constituencies are determined by four permanent
   and independent Boundary Commissions, one each for England, Wales,
   Scotland, and Northern Ireland. The number of constituencies assigned
   to the four parts of the United Kingdom is based roughly on population,
   but subject to certain statutory regulations. England, Wales, and
   Scotland must have a total of approximately 613 constituencies, and
   Northern Ireland between 16 and 18 constituencies, and Wales at least
   35 constituencies. The Commissions conduct general reviews of electoral
   boundaries once every 8 to 12 years, as well as a number of interim
   reviews. In drawing boundaries, they are required to take into account
   local government boundaries, but may deviate from this requirement in
   order to prevent great disparities in the populations of the various
   constituencies. The proposals of the Boundary Commissions are subject
   to parliamentary approval, but may not be amended by Parliament. After
   the next general review of constituencies, the Boundary Commissions
   will be absorbed into the Electoral Commission, which was established
   in 2000. Currently the United Kingdom is divided into 646
   constituencies, with 529 in England, 40 in Wales, 59 in Scotland, and
   18 in Northern Ireland.

   General elections occur whenever Parliament is dissolved by the
   Sovereign. The timing of the dissolution is normally chosen by the
   Prime Minister (see relationship with the Government below); however, a
   parliamentary term may not last for more than five years, unless a Bill
   extending the life of Parliament passes both Houses and receives Royal
   Assent. The House of Lords, exceptionally, retains its power of veto
   over such a Bill.

   The date of a General Election is the choice of the Prime Minister, but
   traditionally, it tends to be a Thursday. Each candidate must submit
   nomination papers signed by ten registered voters from the
   constituency, and pay a deposit of £500, which is refunded only if the
   candidate wins at least five per cent of the vote. The deposit seeks to
   discourage frivolous candidates. Each constituency returns one Member,
   using the first-past-the-post electoral system, under which the
   candidate with a plurality of votes wins. Minors, Members of the House
   of Lords, prisoners, and insane persons are not qualified to become
   Members of the House of Commons. In order to vote, one must be a
   resident of the United Kingdom as well as a citizen of the United
   Kingdom, of a British overseas territory, of the Republic of Ireland,
   or of a member of the Commonwealth of Nations. Also, British citizens
   living abroad are allowed to vote for 15 years after moving from the
   United Kingdom. No person may vote in more than one constituency.

   Once elected, the Member of Parliament normally continues to serve
   until the next dissolution of Parliament or until death. If a Member,
   however, ceases to be qualified (see qualifications below), his or her
   seat falls vacant. It is possible for the House of Commons to expel a
   Member, but this power is exercised only when the Member has engaged in
   serious misconduct or criminal activity. In each case, a vacancy may be
   filled by a by-election in the appropriate constituency. The same
   electoral system is used as in general elections.

   The term "Member of Parliament" is normally used only to refer to
   Members of the House of Commons, even though the House of Lords is also
   a part of Parliament. Members of the House of Commons may use the
   post-nominal letters "MP". The annual salary of each Member is £59,095;
   Members may receive additional salaries in right of other offices they
   hold (for instance, the Speakership). Most Members also claim between
   £100,000 and £150,000 for various office expenses (staff costs,
   postage, travelling, etc) and also in the case of non-London Members
   for the costs of maintaining a home in London.

Qualifications

   There are numerous qualifications that apply to Members of Parliament.
   Most importantly, one must be aged at least 21 (although this is due to
   change to 18), and must be a citizen of the United Kingdom, of a
   British overseas territory, of the Republic of Ireland, or of a member
   of the Commonwealth of Nations, in order to be eligible. These
   restrictions were introduced by the British Nationality Act 1981, but
   were previously far more stringent: under the Act of Settlement 1701,
   only natural-born subjects were qualified. Members of the House of
   Lords may not serve in the House of Commons, or even vote in
   parliamentary elections; however, they are permitted to sit in the
   chamber during debates.

   A person may not sit in the House of Commons if he or she is the
   subject of a Bankruptcy Restrictions Order (applicable in England and
   Wales only), or if he or she is adjudged bankrupt (in Northern
   Ireland), or if his or her estate is sequestered (in Scotland). Also,
   lunatics are ineligible to sit in the House of Commons. Under the
   Mental Health Act 1983, two specialists must report to the Speaker that
   a Member is suffering from mental illness before a seat can be declared
   vacant. There also exists a common law precedent from the 18th century
   that the "deaf and dumb" are ineligible to sit in the Lower House; this
   precedent, however, has not been tested in recent years, and is highly
   unlikely to be upheld by the courts. Jack Ashley continued to serve as
   an MP for 25 years after becoming profoundly deaf.

   Anyone found guilty of high treason may not sit in Parliament until he
   or she has either completed the term of imprisonment, or received a
   full pardon from the Crown. Moreover, anyone serving a prison sentence
   of one year or more is ineligible. Finally, the Representation of the
   People Act 1983 disqualifies for ten years those found guilty of
   certain election-related offences. Several other disqualifications are
   established by the House of Commons Disqualification Act 1975. Holders
   of high judicial offices, civil servants, members of the regular armed
   forces, members of foreign legislatures (excluding members of the
   legislatures of the Republic of Ireland and Commonwealth countries),
   and holders of several Crown offices listed in the Act are all
   disqualified. The provisions of the House of Commons Disqualification
   Act 1975 largely consolidate the clauses of several previous
   enactments; in particular, several Crown officers had already been
   disqualified since the passage of the Act of Settlement 1701.
   Ministers, even though they are paid officers of the Crown, are not
   disqualified.

   The rule that precludes certain Crown officers from serving in the
   House of Commons is used to circumvent a resolution adopted by the
   House of Commons in 1623, under which Members are not permitted to
   resign their seats (in theory). In practice, however, they always can.
   Should a Member wish to resign from the House of Commons, he may
   request appointment to one of two ceremonial Crown offices: that of
   Crown Steward and Bailiff of the Chiltern Hundreds, or that of Crown
   Steward and Bailiff of the Manor of Northstead. These offices are
   sinecures (that is, they involve no actual duties); they exist solely
   in order to permit the "resignation" of Members of the House of
   Commons. The Chancellor of the Exchequer is responsible for making the
   appointment, and, by convention, never refuses to do so when asked by a
   Member who desires to leave the House of Commons.

Officers

   The Speaker presides over debates in the House of Commons, as depicted
   in the above print commemorating the destruction of the Commons Chamber
   by fire in 1834.
   Enlarge
   The Speaker presides over debates in the House of Commons, as depicted
   in the above print commemorating the destruction of the Commons Chamber
   by fire in 1834.

   The House of Commons elects a presiding officer, known as the Speaker,
   at the beginning of each new parliamentary term, and also whenever a
   vacancy arises. If the incumbent Speaker seeks a new term, then the
   House may re-elect him or her merely by passing a motion; otherwise, a
   secret ballot is held. A Speaker-elect cannot take office until he or
   she has been approved by the Sovereign; the granting of the royal
   approbation, however, is a formality. The Speaker is assisted by three
   Deputy Speakers, the most senior of which holds the title of Chairman
   of Ways and Means. The two other Deputy Speakers are known as the First
   and Second Deputy Chairman of Ways and Means. These titles derive from
   the Committee of Ways and Means, a body over which the Chairman once
   used to preside; even though the Committee was abolished in 1967, the
   traditional titles of the Deputy Speakers are still retained. The
   Speaker and the Deputy Speakers are always Members of the House of
   Commons.

   Whilst presiding, the Speaker or Deputy Speaker wears a ceremonial
   black robe. The presiding officer may also wear a wig, but this
   tradition has been abandoned by the present Speaker, Michael Martin,
   and by his predecessor, Betty Boothroyd. The Speaker or Deputy Speaker
   presides from a chair at the front of the House. The Speaker is
   Chairman of the House of Commons Commission, which oversees the running
   of the House, and controls debates by calling on Members to speak. If a
   Member believes that a rule (or Standing Order) has been breached, he
   or she may raise a "point of order," on which the Speaker makes a
   ruling that is not subject to any appeal. The Speaker may discipline
   Members who fail to observe the rules of the House. Thus, the Speaker
   is far more powerful than his Lords counterpart, the Lord Speaker, who
   has no disciplinary powers at all. Customarily, the Speaker and the
   Deputy Speakers are non-partisan; they do not vote, or participate in
   the affairs of any political party. By convention, a Speaker seeking
   re-election is not opposed in his or her constituency by any of the
   major parties. The lack of partisanship continues even after the
   Speaker leaves the House of Commons.

   The Clerk of the House is both the House's chief adviser on matters of
   procedure and Chief Executive of the House of Commons. He is a
   permanent official, not a Member of the House itself. The Clerk advises
   the Speaker on the rules and procedure of the House, signs orders and
   official communications, and signs and endorses bills. He chairs the
   Board of Management, which consists of the heads of the six departments
   of the House. The Clerk's deputy is known as the Clerk Assistant.
   Another officer of the House is the Serjeant-at-Arms, whose duties
   include the maintenance of law, order, and security on the House's
   premises. The Serjeant-at-Arms carries the ceremonial Mace, a symbol of
   the authority of the Crown and of the House of Commons, into the House
   each day in front of the Speaker. The Mace is laid upon the Table of
   the House of Commons during sittings.

Procedure

   Like the House of Lords, the House of Commons meets in the Palace of
   Westminster in London. The Commons Chamber is small and modestly
   decorated in green, in contrast with the large, lavishly furnished red
   Lords Chamber. There are benches on two sides of the Chamber, divided
   by a centre aisle. This arrangement reflects the design of St Stephen's
   Chapel, which served as the home of the House of Commons until
   destroyed by fire in 1834. The Speaker's chair is at one end of the
   Chamber; in front of it is the Table of the House, on which the Mace
   rests. The Clerks sit at one end of the Table, close to the Speaker so
   that they may advise him or her on procedure when necessary. Members of
   the Government sit on the benches on the Speaker's right, whilst
   members of the Opposition occupy the benches on the Speaker's left.

   In front of each set of benches, a red line is drawn on the carpet. The
   red lines in front of the two sets of benches are two sword-lengths
   apart; a Member is traditionally not allowed to cross the line during
   debates, for he or she is then supposed to be able to attack an
   individual on the opposite side. Government ministers and important
   Opposition leaders sit on the front rows, and are known as
   "frontbenchers." Other Members of Parliament, in contrast, are known as
   "backbenchers." Oddly, all Members of Parliament cannot fit in the
   Chamber, which can seat only 427 of the 646 Members. Members who arrive
   late must stand near the entrance of the House if they wish to listen
   to debates. Sittings in the Chamber are held each day from Monday to
   Thursday, and also on some Fridays. During times of national emergency,
   the House may also sit on Saturdays.

   Due to recent reforms, the House of Commons sometimes meets in another
   chamber in the Palace of Westminster, Westminster Hall. Debates in
   Westminster Hall are generally uncontroversial or non-partisan;
   business which leads to actual votes must still be conducted in the
   main Chamber. Westminster Hall sittings take place each Tuesday,
   Wednesday and Thursday. On Wednesdays the sitting is suspended for a
   lunch break. Sittings are also suspended whenever there is a division
   taking place in the House itself.

   Sittings of the House are open to the public, but the House may at any
   time vote to sit in private, by the vote of a simple majority.
   (However, this has been done only twice since 1950.) Traditionally, a
   Member who desired that the House sit privately could shout "I spy
   strangers", and a vote would automatically follow. In the past, when
   relations between the Commons and the Crown were less than cordial,
   this procedure was used whenever the House wanted to keep its debate
   private. More often, however, this device was used to delay and disrupt
   proceedings; as a result, it was abolished in 1998. Now, Members
   seeking that the House sit in private must make a formal motion to that
   effect. Public debates are broadcast on the radio, and on television by
   BBC Parliament, and are recorded in Hansard.

   Sessions of the House of Commons have sometimes been disrupted by angry
   protesters who hurl objects into the Chamber from the Strangers Gallery
   and other galleries. Items which have been thrown into the House
   include leaflets, manure, flour (see Fathers 4 Justice House of Commons
   protest), and a canister of chlorobenzylidene malonitrile (tear gas).
   Even members have been known to disturb proceedings of the House; for
   instance, in 1976, Conservative MP Michael Heseltine seized and
   brandished the Mace of the House during a heated debate. Perhaps the
   most famous disruption of the House of Commons was caused by King
   Charles I, who entered the Commons Chamber in 1642 with an armed force
   in order to arrest five Members of Parliament—who belonged to an
   anti-royalist faction—for high treason. This action, however, was
   deemed a grave breach of the privilege of Parliament, and has given
   rise to the tradition that the monarch may not set foot in the House of
   Commons.

   Each year, the parliamentary session begins with the State Opening of
   Parliament, a ceremony in the Lords Chamber during which the Sovereign,
   in the presence of Members of both Houses, delivers an address on the
   Government's legislative agenda. The Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod
   (a Lords official) is responsible for summoning the Commons to the
   Lords Chamber; when he arrives to deliver his summons, the doors of the
   Commons Chamber are slammed shut in his face, symbolising the right of
   the Lower House to debate without interference. The Gentleman Usher
   knocks on the door thrice with his Black Rod, and only then is he
   granted admittance. He then informs the MPs that the Monarch awaits
   them. Then they all go to the House of Lords for the Queen's Speech.

   During debates, Members may only speak if called upon by the Speaker
   (or the Deputy Speaker, if the Speaker is not presiding).
   Traditionally, the presiding officer alternates between calling Members
   from the Government and Opposition. The Prime Minister, the Leader of
   the Opposition, and other leaders from both sides are normally given
   priority when more than one Member rises to speak at the same time.
   Formerly, all Privy Counsellors were granted priority; however, the
   modernisation of Commons procedure led to the abolition of this
   tradition in 1998.

   Speeches are addressed to the presiding officer, using the words "Mr
   Speaker," "Madam Speaker," "Mr Deputy Speaker," or "Madam Deputy
   Speaker." Only the presiding officer may be directly addressed in
   debate; other Members must be referred to in the third person.
   Traditionally, Members do not refer to each other by name, but by
   constituency, using forms such as "the Honourable Member for
   [constituency]," or, in the case of Privy Counsellors, "the Right
   Honourable Member for [constituency]." The Speaker enforces the rules
   of the House, and may warn and punish Members who deviate from them.
   Disregarding the Speaker's instructions is considered a severe breach
   of the rules of the House, and may result in the suspension of the
   offender from the House. In the case of grave disorder, the Speaker may
   adjourn the House without taking a vote.

   The Standing Orders of the House of Commons do not establish any formal
   time limits for debates. The Speaker may, however, order a Member who
   persists in making a tediously repetitive or irrelevant speech to stop
   speaking. The time set aside for debate on a particular motion is,
   however, often limited by informal agreements between the parties.
   Debate may, however, be restricted by the passage of "Allocation of
   Time Motions", which are more commonly known as " Guillotine Motions".
   Alternatively, the House may put an immediate end to debate by passing
   a motion to invoke the Closure. The Speaker is allowed to deny the
   motion if he or she believes that it infringes upon the rights of the
   minority.

   When the debate concludes, or when the Closure is invoked, the motion
   in question is put to a vote. The House first votes by voice vote; the
   Speaker or Deputy Speaker puts the question, and Members respond either
   "Aye" (in favour of the motion) or "No" (against the motion). The
   presiding officer then announces the result of the voice vote, but if
   his or her assessment is challenged by any Member, a recorded vote
   known as a division follows. (The presiding officer, if he or she
   believes that the result of the voice vote is so clear that a division
   is not necessary, may reject the challenge.) If a division does occur,
   Members enter one of two lobbies (the "Aye" lobby or the "No" lobby) on
   either side of the Chamber, where their names are recorded by clerks.
   At each lobby are two Tellers (themselves Members of the House) who
   count the votes of the Members.

   Once the division concludes, the Tellers provide the results to the
   presiding officer, who then announces them to the House. If there is an
   equality of votes, the Speaker or Deputy Speaker has a casting vote.
   Traditionally, this casting vote is exercised to allow further debate,
   if this is possible, or otherwise to avoid a decision being taken
   without a majority (e.g. voting No to a motion or the third reading of
   a bill). Ties rarely occur—the last one was in July 1993. The quorum of
   the House of Commons is 40 members for any vote; if fewer than 40
   members have participated, the division is invalid. Formerly, if a
   Member sought to raise a point of order during a division, he was
   required to wear a hat, thereby signalling that he was not engaging in
   debate. Collapsible top hats were kept in the Chamber just for this
   purpose. This custom was discontinued in 1998.

   The outcome of most votes is largely known beforehand, since political
   parties normally instruct members on how to vote. A party normally
   entrusts some Members of Parliament, known as whips, with the task of
   ensuring that all party Members vote as desired. Members of Parliament
   do not tend to vote against such instructions, since those who do so
   are unlikely to reach higher political ranks in their parties. Errant
   Members may be deselected as official party candidates during future
   elections, and, in serious cases, may be expelled from their parties
   outright. Ministers, junior ministers and PPSes who vote against the
   whips' instructions are likely to lose their positions. Thus, the
   independence of Members of Parliament tends to be extremely low, and
   "backbench rebellions" by Members discontent with their party's
   policies are rare. In some circumstances, however, parties announce "
   free votes", allowing Members to vote as they please. Votes relating to
   issues of conscience such as abortion and capital punishment are
   typically free votes.

Committees

   The Parliament of the United Kingdom uses committees for a variety of
   purposes; one common use is for the review of bills. Committees
   consider bills in detail, and may make amendments. Bills of great
   constitutional importance, as well as some important financial
   measures, are usually sent to the Committee of the Whole House, a body
   that, as its name suggests, includes all members of the House of
   Commons. Instead of the Speaker, the Chairman or a Deputy Chairman of
   Ways and Means presides. The Committee meets in the House of Commons
   Chamber.

   Most bills are considered by Standing Committees, which consist of
   between 16 and 50 members each. The membership of each Standing
   Committee roughly reflects the standing of the parties in the whole
   House. Though "standing" may imply permanence, the membership of
   Standing Committees changes constantly; new Members are assigned each
   time the Committee considers a new bill. There is no formal limit on
   the number of Standing Committees, but there are usually only ten.
   Rarely, a bill may be committed to a Special Standing Committee, which
   operates much like a Standing Committee, but also investigates and
   holds hearings on the issues raised by the bill.

   The House of Commons also has several Departmental Select Committees.
   The membership of these bodies, like that of the Standing Committees,
   reflects the strength of the parties in the House of Commons. Each
   committee elects its own Chairman. The primary function of a
   Departmental Select Committee is to scrutinise and investigate the
   activities of a particular Government Department; to fulfil these aims,
   it is permitted to hold hearings and collect evidence. Bills may be
   referred to Departmental Select Committees, but such a procedure is
   very seldom used.

   A separate type of Select Committee is the Domestic Committee. Domestic
   Committees oversee the administration of the House and the services
   provided to Members. Other committees of the House of Commons include
   Joint Committees (which also include members of the House of Lords),
   the Committee on Standards and Privileges (which considers questions of
   parliamentary privilege, as well as matters relating to the conduct of
   the Members), and the Committee of Selection (which determines the
   membership of other committees).

Legislative functions

   Although legislation may be introduced in either House, bills normally
   originate in the House of Commons.

   The supremacy of the Commons in legislative matters is assured by the
   Parliament Acts, under which certain types of bills may be presented
   for the Royal Assent without the consent of the House of Lords. The
   Lords may not delay a money bill (a bill that, in the view of the
   Speaker of the House of Commons, solely concerns national taxation or
   public funds) for more than one month. Moreover, the Lords may not
   delay most other public bills for more than two parliamentary sessions,
   or one calendar year. These provisions, however, only apply to public
   bills that originate in the House of Commons. Moreover, a bill that
   seeks to extend a parliamentary term beyond five years requires the
   consent of the House of Lords.

   By a custom that prevailed even before the Parliament Acts, the
   superiority of the House of Commons is ensured insofar as financial
   matters are concerned. Only the House of Commons may originate bills
   concerning taxation or Supply; furthermore, Supply bills passed by the
   House of Commons are immune to amendments in the House of Lords. In
   addition, the House of Lords is barred from amending a bill so as to
   insert a taxation or Supply-related provision, but the House of Commons
   often waives its privileges and allows the Lords to make amendments
   with financial implications. Under a separate convention, known as the
   Salisbury Convention, the House of Lords does not seek to oppose
   legislation promised in the Government's election manifesto.

   Hence, as the power of the House of Lords has been severely curtailed
   by statute and by practice, the House of Commons is clearly the more
   powerful branch of Parliament.

Relationship with the Government

   Although it does not elect the Prime Minister, the position of the
   parties in the House of Commons is of overriding importance. By
   convention the Prime Minister is answerable to, and must maintain the
   support of, the House of Commons. Thus, whenever the office of Prime
   Minister falls vacant, the Sovereign appoints the person most likely to
   command the support of the House—normally, the leader of the largest
   party in the Lower House. (The leader of the second-largest party
   becomes the Leader of the Opposition.) In modern times, by convention,
   the Prime Minister is always a member of the House of Commons, rather
   than the House of Lords.

   The Prime Minister may only stay in office as long as he or she retains
   the confidence of the House of Commons. The Lower House may indicate
   its lack of support for the Government by rejecting a Motion of
   Confidence, or by passing a Motion of No Confidence. Confidence and No
   Confidence Motions are sometimes phrased explicitly, for instance:
   "That this House has no confidence in Her Majesty's Government." Many
   other motions are considered confidence issues, even though not
   explicitly phrased as such. In particular, important bills that form a
   part of the Government's agenda are generally considered matters of
   confidence, as is the annual Budget. When a Government has lost the
   confidence of the House of Commons, the Prime Minister is obliged to
   either resign, or request the monarch to dissolve Parliament, thereby
   precipitating a general election.

   Except when compelled to do so by an adverse vote on a confidence
   issue, the Prime Minister is allowed to choose the timing of
   dissolutions with the permission of the Monarch, and consequently the
   timing of general elections. The timing reflects political
   considerations, and is generally most opportune for the Prime
   Minister's party. However, no parliamentary term can last for more than
   five years; a dissolution is automatic upon the expiry of this period
   unless an act of Parliament is passed extending the maximum term as
   happened during both World Wars. Parliament is almost never permitted
   to sit for the maximum possible term, with dissolutions customarily
   being requested earlier.

   Whatever the reason—the expiry of Parliament's five year term, the
   choice of the Prime Minister, or a Government defeat in the House of
   Commons—a dissolution is followed by general elections. If the Prime
   Minister's party retains its majority in the House of Commons, then the
   Prime Minister may remain in power. On the other hand, if his or her
   party has lost its majority, the Prime Minister is compelled to resign,
   allowing the Sovereign to appoint a new premier. A Prime Minister may
   resign even if he or she is not defeated at the polls (for example, for
   personal health reasons); in such a case, the premiership goes to the
   new leader of the outgoing Prime Minister's party. Extraordinarily, the
   Conservative Party had no mechanism for electing a leader until 1965
   and when Anthony Eden resigned in 1957 without recommending a
   successor, the party was unable to nominate one. It fell to the Queen
   to appoint Harold Macmillan as the new Prime Minister, after taking the
   advice of ministers, and thus simultaneously appoint the leader of a
   political party.

   By convention, all ministers must be members of the House of Commons or
   House of Lords. A handful have been appointed who are outside
   Parliament but in most cases they subsequently entered Parliament
   either by means of a by-election or receiving a peerage. Since 1902,
   all Prime Ministers have been members of the Commons (the sole
   exception, the Earl of Home disclaimed his peerage days after becoming
   Prime Minister, and was elected to the House of Commons as Sir Alec
   Douglas-Home).

   In modern times, a vast majority of ministers belong to the Commons
   rather than the Lords. No major cabinet position (except Lord
   Chancellor and Leader of the House of Lords) has been filled by a Lord
   since Lord Carrington resigned as Foreign Secretary in 1982, though
   some of the middle rank Cabinet posts such as Defence Secretary and
   International Development Secretary have been filled by peers. The
   elected status of members of the Commons, as opposed to the unelected
   nature of members of the Lords, is seen to lend more legitimacy to
   ministers from the Commons. The Prime Minister chooses the Ministers,
   and may decide to remove them at any time; the formal appointment or
   dismissal, however, is made by the Sovereign.

   The House of Commons scrutinises the Government through " Question
   Time," a period during which Members have the opportunity to ask
   questions of the Prime Minister and of other Cabinet Ministers. Prime
   Minister's Question Time occurs once each week, normally for a
   half-hour each Wednesday. Questions must relate to the responding
   Minister's official Government activities, not to his or her activities
   as a party leader or as a private Member of Parliament. Customarily,
   members of the Government party and members of the Opposition alternate
   when asking questions. In addition to questions asked orally during
   Question Time, Members of Parliament may also make inquiries in
   writing.

   In practice, the House of Commons' scrutiny of the Government is fairly
   weak. Since the first-past-the-post electoral system is employed in
   elections, the governing party tends to enjoy a large majority in the
   Commons; there is often limited need to compromise with other parties.
   Modern British political parties are so tightly organised that they
   leave relatively little room for free action by their MPs. Thus, during
   the 20th century the Government has lost confidence issues only
   thrice—twice in 1924, and once in 1979. However, the threat of
   rebellions by backbench MPs often forces Governments to make
   concessions to their cause (see top-up fees, foundation hospitals).
   Occasionally the Government is defeated by backbench rebellions (
   Terrorism Act 2006). However, the scrutiny provided by the Select
   Committees is more serious.

   The House of Commons technically retains the power to impeach Ministers
   of the Crown (or any other subject, even if not a public officer) for
   their crimes. Impeachments are tried by the House of Lords, where a
   simple majority is necessary to convict. The power of impeachment,
   however, has fallen into disuse; the House of Commons exercises its
   checks on the Government through other means such as No Confidence
   Motions. The last impeachment was that of Henry Dundas, 1st Viscount
   Melville in 1806.

Latest election

   CAPTION:
   Summary of the 5 May 2005 House of Commons of the United Kingdom
   election results

   Parties
   This table indicates those parties with over 500 votes nationwide Seats
   Gains Losses Net
   Gain/Loss Seats % Votes % Votes +/-
   Labour 356 0 47 -47 55.2 35.3 9,562,122 -5.5%
   Conservative 198 36 3 +33 30.7 32.3 8,772,598 +0.6%
   Liberal Democrats 62 16 5 +11 9.6 22.1 5,981,874 +3.7%
   UK Independence 0 0 0 0 0 2.2 603,298 +0.8%
   Scottish National Party 6 2 0 +2 0.9 1.5 412,267 -0.3%
   Green 0 0 0 0 0 1.0 257,758 +0.4%
   Democratic Unionist 9 4 0 +4 1.4 0.9 241,856 +0.2%
   British National 0 0 0 0 0 0.7 192,746 +0.5%
   Plaid Cymru 3 0 1 -1 0.5 0.6 174,838 -0.1%
   Sinn Féin 5 1 0 +1 0.8 0.6 174,530 -0.1%
   Ulster Unionist 1 0 5 -5 0.2 0.5 127,414 -0.3%
   Social Democratic & Labour 3 1 1 0 0.5 0.5 125,626 -0.1%
   Independent 1 1 0 0 0.2 0.5 122,000 +0.1%
   Respect 1 1 0 +1 0.2 0.3 68,094 N/A
   Scottish Socialist 0 0 0 0 0 0.2 43,514 -0.1%
   Veritas 0 0 0 0 0 0.1 40,481 N/A
   Alliance (NI) 0 0 0 0 0 0.1 28,291 0.0%
   Scottish Green 0 0 0 0 0 0.1 25,760 +0.1%
   Socialist Labour 0 0 0 0 0 0.1 20,192 0.0%
   Liberal 0 0 0 0 0 0.1 19,068 0.0%
   Health Concern 1 0 0 0 0.2 0.1 18,739 0.0%
   English Democrats 0 0 0 0 0 0.1 14,506 N/A
   Socialist Alternative 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 9,398 N/A
   Legalise Cannabis 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 6,985 0.0%
   Community Action 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 6,557 N/A
   Monster Raving Loony 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 6,311 0.0
   Christian Vote 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 4,004 N/A
   Mebyon Kernow 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 3,552 0.0%
   Forward Wales 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 3,461 N/A
   Christian Peoples 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 3,291 N/A
   Rainbow Dream Ticket 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 2,463 N/A
   Community Group 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 2,365 N/A
   Ashfield Independents 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 2,292 N/A
   Alliance for Green Socialism 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 1,978 N/A
   Residents' Association of London 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 1,850 N/A
   Workers Party 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 1,669 0.0%
   Socialist Environmental 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 1,649 N/A
   Scottish Unionist 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 1,266 0.0%
   Workers' Revolutionary 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 1,143 0.0%
   New England 0 0 0 0 0.0 1,224 N/A
   Communist 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 1,124 0.0%
   The Community (Hounslow) 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 1,118 N/A
   Peace and Progress 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 1,036 N/A
   Scottish Senior Citizens 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 1,017 N/A
   Your Party 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 1,006 N/A
   SOS! Northampton 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 932 N/A
   Independent Working Class 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 892 N/A
   Democratic Labour 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 770 N/A
   British Public Party 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 763 N/A
   Free Scotland Party 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 743 N/A
   Pensioners Party Scotland 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 716 N/A
   Publican Party 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 678 N/A
   English Independence Party 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 654 N/A
   Socialist Unity 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 581 N/A
   Local Community Party 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 570 N/A
   Clause 28 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 516 N/A
   UK Community Issues Party 0 0 0 0 0 0.0 502 N/A
   Total 646 27,110,727

Current composition

               Affiliation              Members
     Labour Party                       352
     Conservative Party                 196
     Liberal Democrats                  63
     Democratic Unionist Party          9
     Scottish National Party            6
     Sinn Féin                          5 ^1
     Plaid Cymru                        3
     Social Democratic and Labour Party 3
     Independents
                                        1 ^2
     Independent Labour
                                        1 ^3
     Ulster Unionist Party              1
     RESPECT The Unity Coalition        1
     Health Concern
                                        1
     Speaker and Deputies
                                        4
    Total
                                        646
    Government Majority
                                        62
     * ^1 Sinn Féin's policy of abstaining from participation in the House
       of Commons precludes its MPs from taking their seats.
     * ^2 Dai Davies, elected as an Independent in the Blaenau Gwent
       constituency. Richard Taylor is accounted for under Health Concern.
     * ^3 Clare Short, who resigned the Labour whip on 20 October 2006.

The chamber in film and television

   In 1986, the British television production company Granada Television
   created a near-full size replica of the House of Commons debating
   chamber at its studios in Manchester for use in its adaptation of the
   Jeffrey Archer novel First Among Equals. The set was highly convincing,
   and was retained after the production – since then, it has been used in
   nearly every British film and television production that has featured
   scenes set in the chamber. From 1988 until 1999 it was also one of the
   prominent attractions on the Granada Studios Tour, where visitors could
   watch actors performing mock political debates on the set.

   In 2002 the set was purchased by the scriptwriter Paul Abbott so that
   it could be used in his BBC drama serial State of Play. Abbott, a
   former Granada Television staff writer, bought it personally as the set
   would otherwise have been destroyed and he feared it would take too
   long to get the necessary money from the BBC. He currently keeps it in
   storage in Oxford.

   A stage mock-up of the House of Commons also features in the political
   satire Restart by Komedy Kollective, about a British prime minister
   seeking re-election.

   The House of Commons is also featured in the Robin Williams stand-up
   special "Robin Williams Live on Broadway" in which he refers to it as
   such, "House of Commons, like Congress, but with a two drink minimum."

   Retrieved from " http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/British_House_of_Commons"
   This reference article is mainly selected from the English Wikipedia
   with only minor checks and changes (see www.wikipedia.org for details
   of authors and sources) and is available under the GNU Free
   Documentation License. See also our Disclaimer.
